11 dec 2018
On the 70th anniversary of UN resolution 194, the Palestinian Return Centre (PRC) issued a new report entitled "Voices of Return: Documenting Israel's Repression of the Great March of Return."
The new report is based on a PRC submission to the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on the 2018 protests that began on March 30th in the Israeli-blockaded Gaza Strip. The series of demonstrations named the “Great March of Return” called on Israel to end the ongoing siege and implement the refugees’ collective right of return to the lands from which they were displaced in 1948.
The demonstrations have been widely covered in the mainstream media, in particular around May 14th, when the Israeli military killed 52 Palestinians and injured over 2,400 in one single day. Yet, beneath the headlines and numbers of casualties, detailed witness accounts of the events remain underreported. PRC’s investigation seeks to fill this gap by bringing to light the voices of Palestinian protesters and victims injured during the demonstrations.
The testimonies and other information gathered in the report show in detail how Israeli soldiers shot unarmed protesters, bystanders, journalists and medical staff approximately 100-400m from the fence, constituting extrajudicial executions and deliberate maiming of civilians. Prima facie evidence and testimonies show that none of the Palestinians victim included in this report were endangering Israeli forces, who remained located on the other side of the fence.
PRC interviewed two journalists who were both shot in their legs while wearing a "press" vest. Khalil was shot in the upper left thigh while standing approximately 200 meters away from the fence and was wounded while taking a "selfie" with friends. Khalil said that the Israeli military shot him from the back as he was not facing the barrier separating the Gaza Strip from Israel.
The other journalist interviewed, Duaa, was hit by a sniper shot as she was filming another protester being treated by paramedics after being injured. Both journalists were hit with a particular type of bullet, which expands and mushrooms inside the body, that indicates the military's intention to cause maximum harm and greater possibility to inflict life-changing injuries.
Amnesty International has reported Israel's use of US-manufactured M24 Remington sniper rifles shooting 7.62mm hunting ammunition, which have the "mushrooming" effects described by the victims we interviewed.
Jihad, a young Palestinian woman in her twenties was standing on Jakar street, a road roughly parallel to the fence separating the Gaza Strip from Israel, at approximately 100 meters from the barrier when she was first hit with hunting ammunition in her left leg below the knee. Jihad was further hit two times, in her right hand and shoulder, with regular bullets by gunshots seemingly targeting the medical staff that was attending to her.
PRC interviewed a child that lost a leg after being targeted for merely raising the Palestinian flag during one of the demonstrations. Muhannad was also tending to a fellow protester injured at the time he was shot. He was hit with hunting ammunition above the knee in the thigh which caused him to undergo arterial amputation.
"The bullet came in from my ear and out from my head." said Adelmalek, an 18-year old who was shot while standing 300 meters from the fence near the Awda refugee camp, east of Jabalia.
Another young Palestinian, Ouni, was hopeful that the peaceful demonstration will be effective as he explained "We wanted to push for lifting the siege, unblock border crossings . . . we simply wanted to live a normal life!" He was also shot with hunting ammunition that caused bone fragmentation in his leg.
Contrary to claims of Israeli authorities, a grassroots network of activists led the creation and organization of this series of mass demonstrations. The report argues that driving the open-fire policy of the Israeli government against protesters is a longstanding criminalization of Palestinian refugees attempting to cross the armistice lines. Palestinian refugees are criminalized by the Israeli state and media as "infiltrators" and prevented to return to the lands from which they were displaced through a series of state laws and policies.
PRC concluded that the Israeli army's response to Palestinians protesting against a colonial siege along the 1949 armistice line clearly violates a number of core principles of international humanitarian law. The killing and maiming of protesters, journalists, paramedics and children not engaged in any military activity amounts to a violation of the international legal principles of distinction, proportionality and of precautions in attack.
The new report is based on a PRC submission to the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on the 2018 protests that began on March 30th in the Israeli-blockaded Gaza Strip. The series of demonstrations named the “Great March of Return” called on Israel to end the ongoing siege and implement the refugees’ collective right of return to the lands from which they were displaced in 1948.
The demonstrations have been widely covered in the mainstream media, in particular around May 14th, when the Israeli military killed 52 Palestinians and injured over 2,400 in one single day. Yet, beneath the headlines and numbers of casualties, detailed witness accounts of the events remain underreported. PRC’s investigation seeks to fill this gap by bringing to light the voices of Palestinian protesters and victims injured during the demonstrations.
The testimonies and other information gathered in the report show in detail how Israeli soldiers shot unarmed protesters, bystanders, journalists and medical staff approximately 100-400m from the fence, constituting extrajudicial executions and deliberate maiming of civilians. Prima facie evidence and testimonies show that none of the Palestinians victim included in this report were endangering Israeli forces, who remained located on the other side of the fence.
PRC interviewed two journalists who were both shot in their legs while wearing a "press" vest. Khalil was shot in the upper left thigh while standing approximately 200 meters away from the fence and was wounded while taking a "selfie" with friends. Khalil said that the Israeli military shot him from the back as he was not facing the barrier separating the Gaza Strip from Israel.
The other journalist interviewed, Duaa, was hit by a sniper shot as she was filming another protester being treated by paramedics after being injured. Both journalists were hit with a particular type of bullet, which expands and mushrooms inside the body, that indicates the military's intention to cause maximum harm and greater possibility to inflict life-changing injuries.
Amnesty International has reported Israel's use of US-manufactured M24 Remington sniper rifles shooting 7.62mm hunting ammunition, which have the "mushrooming" effects described by the victims we interviewed.
Jihad, a young Palestinian woman in her twenties was standing on Jakar street, a road roughly parallel to the fence separating the Gaza Strip from Israel, at approximately 100 meters from the barrier when she was first hit with hunting ammunition in her left leg below the knee. Jihad was further hit two times, in her right hand and shoulder, with regular bullets by gunshots seemingly targeting the medical staff that was attending to her.
PRC interviewed a child that lost a leg after being targeted for merely raising the Palestinian flag during one of the demonstrations. Muhannad was also tending to a fellow protester injured at the time he was shot. He was hit with hunting ammunition above the knee in the thigh which caused him to undergo arterial amputation.
"The bullet came in from my ear and out from my head." said Adelmalek, an 18-year old who was shot while standing 300 meters from the fence near the Awda refugee camp, east of Jabalia.
Another young Palestinian, Ouni, was hopeful that the peaceful demonstration will be effective as he explained "We wanted to push for lifting the siege, unblock border crossings . . . we simply wanted to live a normal life!" He was also shot with hunting ammunition that caused bone fragmentation in his leg.
Contrary to claims of Israeli authorities, a grassroots network of activists led the creation and organization of this series of mass demonstrations. The report argues that driving the open-fire policy of the Israeli government against protesters is a longstanding criminalization of Palestinian refugees attempting to cross the armistice lines. Palestinian refugees are criminalized by the Israeli state and media as "infiltrators" and prevented to return to the lands from which they were displaced through a series of state laws and policies.
PRC concluded that the Israeli army's response to Palestinians protesting against a colonial siege along the 1949 armistice line clearly violates a number of core principles of international humanitarian law. The killing and maiming of protesters, journalists, paramedics and children not engaged in any military activity amounts to a violation of the international legal principles of distinction, proportionality and of precautions in attack.
Al-Mizan Center for Human Rights has affirmed that the travel restrictions imposed by Israel on the movement of Palestinian patients from and to the Gaza Strip caused the death of eight of them.
According to report released by al-Mizan Center, three of those patients died as a result of Israeli restrictions during the current year.
The Israeli occupation forces also arrested during the current year one patients and four companions after they were granted travel permits.
The Center strongly denounced Israel’s persistence in imposing travel and movement restrictions on Palestinian patients in the occupied territories and Gaza and carrying out arbitrary arrests against them after giving them permits.
The Center stressed that denying patients access to hospitals violates the international humanitarian law, and called on the international community to intervene to end Israel’s violations against the rights of Palestinian patients and work on enabling them to have access to hospital and medical treatment.
According to report released by al-Mizan Center, three of those patients died as a result of Israeli restrictions during the current year.
The Israeli occupation forces also arrested during the current year one patients and four companions after they were granted travel permits.
The Center strongly denounced Israel’s persistence in imposing travel and movement restrictions on Palestinian patients in the occupied territories and Gaza and carrying out arbitrary arrests against them after giving them permits.
The Center stressed that denying patients access to hospitals violates the international humanitarian law, and called on the international community to intervene to end Israel’s violations against the rights of Palestinian patients and work on enabling them to have access to hospital and medical treatment.
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A family demolishes their own home in Silwan, December 8, 2018. Photo credit: Wadi Hilweh Information Center.
POSTED BY: AHMAD JARADAT DECEMBER 11, 2018 Israeli authorities have demolished a total of 169 structures in East Jerusalem this year – a 20 percent increase compared to 2017. This month, Israeli authorities have demolished or demanded that Palestinians demolish a total of seven Palestinian-owned structures in occupied Jerusalem. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the occupied Palestinian Territories, Israeli authorities have demolished a total of 169 structures in East Jerusalem this year as of |
December 3, which represents a 20 percent increase in such demolitions compared to 2017.
On Monday, December 3, 2018, Ahmad Siam demolished his stockroom and garage in the neighborhood of Silwan in East Jerusalem, reports the Wadi Hilweh Information Center. Israeli authorities provided Siam with an order demanding that he demolish the structures within 48 hours or else face high fines. Israeli authorities claim the structures lack Israeli construction permits.
The following day, Tuesday, December 4, 2018, Israeli forces demolished a Palestinian-owned home and four stores in different areas of East Jerusalem.
Israeli forces demolished a Palestinian-owned home in the Jabal al-Mukaber that housed 12 people. Jerusalem-based activist Rasim Obaidat told the Alternative Information Center, “during the demolition of the home the village was transformed into a military compound. Dozens of police and soldiers closed all entrances to the village, stopped cars and checked the IDs of passengers.” The police also prevented Palestinian journalists from covering the event and forced students at a nearby school to stay inside until the demolition was complete. The process took two hours.
The Wadi Hilweh Information Center reports that the Israeli municipality demolished the home under the pretext that it lacks Israeli construction permits.
In Sur Baher that day, Israeli forces demolished two stores. Mohammed Abu Tair, the owner of the stores, said he had no warning of an impending demolition. Israeli authorities allege the stores lack Israeli construction permits.
Finally, in Beit Hanina on Tuesday, Israeli authorities demolished two Palestinian-owned warehouses.
Only days later, on Saturday, December 8, 2018, a Palestinian family demolished their own home in Silwan to avoid paying high fees to the Israeli municipality of Jerusalem. According to the Wadi Hilweh Information Center, 14 members of the Hashimeh family lived in the home, including seven children. The house belonged to the family for 20 years. Israeli authorities ordered the house demolished by December 10 citing a lack of Israeli construction permits, the Palestinian News and Info Agency reports.
The Israeli municipality zones only 8 – 13 percent of East Jerusalem for Palestinian residential construction. As a result, many East Jerusalem residents are forced to build without permits to avoid overcrowding. The Association for Civil Rights in Israel found that 20,000 homes in East Jerusalem – 39 percent of all homes in East Jerusalem – lack Israeli construction permits.
Palestinian neighborhoods in Jerusalem are the target of Israeli settlement plans, which aim to link four concentric circles of settlements, starting with the Old City, followed by the “Holy Basin” (Silwan, Sheikh Jarrah, a-Tur, Mount Zion, and the Kidron Valley), Jerusalem’s annexation border, and finally the West Bank.
Ahmad Jaradat is the Senior Project Coordinator of the Alternative Information Center (AIC).
On Monday, December 3, 2018, Ahmad Siam demolished his stockroom and garage in the neighborhood of Silwan in East Jerusalem, reports the Wadi Hilweh Information Center. Israeli authorities provided Siam with an order demanding that he demolish the structures within 48 hours or else face high fines. Israeli authorities claim the structures lack Israeli construction permits.
The following day, Tuesday, December 4, 2018, Israeli forces demolished a Palestinian-owned home and four stores in different areas of East Jerusalem.
Israeli forces demolished a Palestinian-owned home in the Jabal al-Mukaber that housed 12 people. Jerusalem-based activist Rasim Obaidat told the Alternative Information Center, “during the demolition of the home the village was transformed into a military compound. Dozens of police and soldiers closed all entrances to the village, stopped cars and checked the IDs of passengers.” The police also prevented Palestinian journalists from covering the event and forced students at a nearby school to stay inside until the demolition was complete. The process took two hours.
The Wadi Hilweh Information Center reports that the Israeli municipality demolished the home under the pretext that it lacks Israeli construction permits.
In Sur Baher that day, Israeli forces demolished two stores. Mohammed Abu Tair, the owner of the stores, said he had no warning of an impending demolition. Israeli authorities allege the stores lack Israeli construction permits.
Finally, in Beit Hanina on Tuesday, Israeli authorities demolished two Palestinian-owned warehouses.
Only days later, on Saturday, December 8, 2018, a Palestinian family demolished their own home in Silwan to avoid paying high fees to the Israeli municipality of Jerusalem. According to the Wadi Hilweh Information Center, 14 members of the Hashimeh family lived in the home, including seven children. The house belonged to the family for 20 years. Israeli authorities ordered the house demolished by December 10 citing a lack of Israeli construction permits, the Palestinian News and Info Agency reports.
The Israeli municipality zones only 8 – 13 percent of East Jerusalem for Palestinian residential construction. As a result, many East Jerusalem residents are forced to build without permits to avoid overcrowding. The Association for Civil Rights in Israel found that 20,000 homes in East Jerusalem – 39 percent of all homes in East Jerusalem – lack Israeli construction permits.
Palestinian neighborhoods in Jerusalem are the target of Israeli settlement plans, which aim to link four concentric circles of settlements, starting with the Old City, followed by the “Holy Basin” (Silwan, Sheikh Jarrah, a-Tur, Mount Zion, and the Kidron Valley), Jerusalem’s annexation border, and finally the West Bank.
Ahmad Jaradat is the Senior Project Coordinator of the Alternative Information Center (AIC).
9 dec 2018
By Al-Zaytouna Center
Summary:
After successive security tensions in more than one refugee camp (RC) in Lebanon, high level US-Israeli cooperation that led to the declaration of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, and ending US aid to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), Palestinian presence in Lebanon was again under political and security threat. Fears for the future of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon emerged, for the security conditions in the RCs may worsen, leading to their destruction and the displacement of refugees, while naturalization-related solutions may be imposed.
The consequence of any security deterioration scenario will have a negative impact on the future of refugees and on the Lebanese state. Therefore, the best solution lies in an urgent political approach, establishing a Lebanese-Palestinian dialogue, adhering to the right of return and rejecting naturalization, removing security measures around the RCs, and holding the international community accountable.
Introduction
In 2018, Palestinian RCs in Lebanon witnessed security decline and armed clashes causing huge human and material losses, opening the door for approaching perils, threatening the Palestinian presence in Lebanon. Many questions were asked whether these events were linked to the international, regional and local developments, which may be directly connected to the future of the Palestine issue and its concerns, such as the refugees and their right of return, and what is the role of many political parties in the practical participation in ending these issues.
First: Security Incidents
During the past few months, in the summer and fall of 2018, armed clashes erupted in Mieh Mieh RC, east of Saida city in southern Lebanon, between the Palestinian Authority (PA) affiliated Palestinian National Security and Ansarullah group headed by Jamal Suleiman. Many houses and properties were destroyed in the clashes, a member of the Palestinian National Security was killed, while most of the RC residents were displaced.
After more than two weeks of clashes, the fighting ended in a ceasefire, and Suleiman, along with other fighters, left the RC. However, these clashes reminded of other displacement events and the destruction of other RCs. They renewed the Palestinian and Lebanese fears of repeating the violent events that occurred 30 years ago.
Before the Mieh Mieh RC clashes, other armed clashes erupted in al-Tireh neighborhood in Ein El Hilweh RC, situated near Saida city in southern Lebanon. The fighting was between the Fatah movement and the group of Bilal Bader, who is accused of killing several cadres of the Fatah movement. The neighborhood was destroyed and its residents were displaced.
The Rashidieh RC witnessed clashes over drug trafficking, but these were also linked to everything that targets the Palestinian presence in Lebanon.
Second: Political Reasons
There are political reasons that reinforced the threats that target the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, the most important of which are:
1. The US-Israeli deep cooperation between the Trump administration and Netanyahu’s government, which led the former to take decisions contrary to international agreements related to the Palestine issue. For the Trump administration recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and then ended its aid to UNRWA.
2. The US cut off its UNRWA funding, targeting the Palestinian refugees and their existence, leading to the abolition of RCs, dropping the right of return and the termination of UNRWA’s services.
3. It appears that there is a joint US-Israeli approach to end the Palestine issue, prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and accelerate the normalization of ties between Israel and the Arab countries.
4. The difficult political, economic and security situations in some Arab countries, which are trying to escape their various crises by more rapprochement with the Israeli government, and by agreeing to end the Palestine issue. The shy Arab reaction to the US decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel is an example of this rapprochement.
Third: Domestic Factors
There are domestic factors that reinforce the risks to the future of the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, the most important of which:
1. An officially-backed Palestinian faction brought large quantities of weapons and ammunition to the RCs, which were used in the Mieh Mieh battles.
2. During one year, some US generals made three tours of Ein El Hilweh and Mieh Mieh RCs, amid talk of US efforts to remove these camps, as a prelude to removing the rest.
3. Waves of mass-emigration of Palestinian refugees from Lebanon, through organized channels.
4. The results of the census of Palestinian refugees, carried out by the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, revealed that there are 174 thousand refugees living in Lebanon. These numbers are much different than those of UNRWA (530 thousand), and those of some Lebanese and Palestinian parties (300 thousand).
5. The sharp reduction of UNRWA services, including education, health and relief and social services.
6. PA President Mahmud Abbas announced more than once PA’s willingness to hand over the weapons of the RCs, and to cooperate with the Lebanese government by handing it the management of the camps.
7. The strict security measures taken by the Lebanese authorities towards the RCs, such as building a separation wall around Ein El Hilweh, installing electric gates, and building another wall around Rashidieh RC.
8. Information reached more than one Palestinian side, that the Lebanese government desires, in the next few months, to deploy units of the Lebanese army in all the RCs’ neighborhoods, located outside the recognized geographic area.
Fourth: Possible Scenarios
First Scenario: Clashes inside the RCs
Deliberately starting clashes in more than one RC that would lead in the end to destroying neighborhoods inside the camps and forcing people to emigrate. The camps that are most likely to witness such clashes are: Ein El Hilweh, Mieh Mieh, Rashidieh and Beddawi RCs. Clashes would be started between PA’s national security and other current groups or groups being established to fulfill this objective under the titles of “countering terrorism” or “extremism.” Regardless of PA’s declared slogans or wishes, various forms of tension and escalation could be destructive to the RCs and the Palestinian future in Lebanon.
Second Scenario: Organized Emigration
Organized emigration is considered a great threat facing the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, through organized deportations or facilitating emigration from Lebanon, free of charge or at material costs, which would result in decreasing the number of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Actually, in one year, around two thousand Palestinian refugees emigrated or had their emigration facilitated.
Third Scenario: Naturalization of Refugees
This scenario is based on the idea that in the end, and after the majority of Palestinians have emigrated, and under international and regional pressure, the Lebanese authorities would issue laws to naturalize the rest of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon, under social and humanitarian pretenses. This method was used with some sectors after the Madrid Conference of 1991. It is said that the economic hardship in Lebanon along with international pressure could facilitate such a scenario.
Probable Scenario:
The first scenario is the most probable, for PA-affiliated parties are still pushing conditions toward reaching a crisis. However, the second scenario is a continuous one, albeit with a different rhythm, which increased noticeably during the past few months. As for the naturalization scenario, it is still unlikely in the present circumstances, for the main Lebanese parties are still strongly against it, and the Palestinians themselves are concerned with their civil and humanitarian legal rights and not with naturalization.
The year 2019 is expected to be an important year for the future of the issue of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, considered one of the most difficult issues facing those who want to liquidate it. For Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are free to be politically active, they suffer difficult humanitarian conditions, and the RCs’ existence all over Lebanon.
Fifth: Conclusion
The threats facing the Palestinian presence in Lebanon are real and difficult, and any security deterioration in the RCs is dangerous and rejected by most Palestinian factions, and it will cause considerable damage to the Lebanese society.
The issue of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is political par excellence, and it’s better to deal with it as such, especially that the clash method was bad for all who used it, bringing losses to all. Palestinian forces in Lebanon must collectively prevent fighting between Palestinians, or between the Palestinians and the Lebanese. The Lebanese officials and parties must work to avoid such security tensions as well.
Sixth: Recommendations
1. Unifying the Palestinian stance to protect the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, provide security and stability, protect the right of return, and reject naturalization and displacement.
2. Conducting an urgent Palestinian-Lebanese dialogue to agree politically on the mutual relationship and prevent any form of violence.
3. Agreeing with the Lebanese government on the refugees’ right of return and rejecting naturalization and displacement.
4. Forging a Lebanese-Palestinian understanding on the human and social rights of refugees.
5. Pressuring the UNRWA and the international community to fulfill their duty to the refugees.
6. Removing security measures around the RCs and dealing with the social problems.
7. Forming a joint Palestinian security force to maintain security inside the RCs.
Conducting an urgent and comprehensive Palestinian-Lebanese dialogue will pave the way to avoid security tensions, distance the danger of foreign intervention, and protect Palestinian presence in Lebanon. It does not preclude state authority and places social responsibility at the international level.
- Source: Al-Zaytouna Center for Studies and Consultations.
Summary:
After successive security tensions in more than one refugee camp (RC) in Lebanon, high level US-Israeli cooperation that led to the declaration of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, and ending US aid to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), Palestinian presence in Lebanon was again under political and security threat. Fears for the future of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon emerged, for the security conditions in the RCs may worsen, leading to their destruction and the displacement of refugees, while naturalization-related solutions may be imposed.
The consequence of any security deterioration scenario will have a negative impact on the future of refugees and on the Lebanese state. Therefore, the best solution lies in an urgent political approach, establishing a Lebanese-Palestinian dialogue, adhering to the right of return and rejecting naturalization, removing security measures around the RCs, and holding the international community accountable.
Introduction
In 2018, Palestinian RCs in Lebanon witnessed security decline and armed clashes causing huge human and material losses, opening the door for approaching perils, threatening the Palestinian presence in Lebanon. Many questions were asked whether these events were linked to the international, regional and local developments, which may be directly connected to the future of the Palestine issue and its concerns, such as the refugees and their right of return, and what is the role of many political parties in the practical participation in ending these issues.
First: Security Incidents
During the past few months, in the summer and fall of 2018, armed clashes erupted in Mieh Mieh RC, east of Saida city in southern Lebanon, between the Palestinian Authority (PA) affiliated Palestinian National Security and Ansarullah group headed by Jamal Suleiman. Many houses and properties were destroyed in the clashes, a member of the Palestinian National Security was killed, while most of the RC residents were displaced.
After more than two weeks of clashes, the fighting ended in a ceasefire, and Suleiman, along with other fighters, left the RC. However, these clashes reminded of other displacement events and the destruction of other RCs. They renewed the Palestinian and Lebanese fears of repeating the violent events that occurred 30 years ago.
Before the Mieh Mieh RC clashes, other armed clashes erupted in al-Tireh neighborhood in Ein El Hilweh RC, situated near Saida city in southern Lebanon. The fighting was between the Fatah movement and the group of Bilal Bader, who is accused of killing several cadres of the Fatah movement. The neighborhood was destroyed and its residents were displaced.
The Rashidieh RC witnessed clashes over drug trafficking, but these were also linked to everything that targets the Palestinian presence in Lebanon.
Second: Political Reasons
There are political reasons that reinforced the threats that target the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, the most important of which are:
1. The US-Israeli deep cooperation between the Trump administration and Netanyahu’s government, which led the former to take decisions contrary to international agreements related to the Palestine issue. For the Trump administration recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and then ended its aid to UNRWA.
2. The US cut off its UNRWA funding, targeting the Palestinian refugees and their existence, leading to the abolition of RCs, dropping the right of return and the termination of UNRWA’s services.
3. It appears that there is a joint US-Israeli approach to end the Palestine issue, prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and accelerate the normalization of ties between Israel and the Arab countries.
4. The difficult political, economic and security situations in some Arab countries, which are trying to escape their various crises by more rapprochement with the Israeli government, and by agreeing to end the Palestine issue. The shy Arab reaction to the US decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel is an example of this rapprochement.
Third: Domestic Factors
There are domestic factors that reinforce the risks to the future of the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, the most important of which:
1. An officially-backed Palestinian faction brought large quantities of weapons and ammunition to the RCs, which were used in the Mieh Mieh battles.
2. During one year, some US generals made three tours of Ein El Hilweh and Mieh Mieh RCs, amid talk of US efforts to remove these camps, as a prelude to removing the rest.
3. Waves of mass-emigration of Palestinian refugees from Lebanon, through organized channels.
4. The results of the census of Palestinian refugees, carried out by the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, revealed that there are 174 thousand refugees living in Lebanon. These numbers are much different than those of UNRWA (530 thousand), and those of some Lebanese and Palestinian parties (300 thousand).
5. The sharp reduction of UNRWA services, including education, health and relief and social services.
6. PA President Mahmud Abbas announced more than once PA’s willingness to hand over the weapons of the RCs, and to cooperate with the Lebanese government by handing it the management of the camps.
7. The strict security measures taken by the Lebanese authorities towards the RCs, such as building a separation wall around Ein El Hilweh, installing electric gates, and building another wall around Rashidieh RC.
8. Information reached more than one Palestinian side, that the Lebanese government desires, in the next few months, to deploy units of the Lebanese army in all the RCs’ neighborhoods, located outside the recognized geographic area.
Fourth: Possible Scenarios
First Scenario: Clashes inside the RCs
Deliberately starting clashes in more than one RC that would lead in the end to destroying neighborhoods inside the camps and forcing people to emigrate. The camps that are most likely to witness such clashes are: Ein El Hilweh, Mieh Mieh, Rashidieh and Beddawi RCs. Clashes would be started between PA’s national security and other current groups or groups being established to fulfill this objective under the titles of “countering terrorism” or “extremism.” Regardless of PA’s declared slogans or wishes, various forms of tension and escalation could be destructive to the RCs and the Palestinian future in Lebanon.
Second Scenario: Organized Emigration
Organized emigration is considered a great threat facing the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, through organized deportations or facilitating emigration from Lebanon, free of charge or at material costs, which would result in decreasing the number of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Actually, in one year, around two thousand Palestinian refugees emigrated or had their emigration facilitated.
Third Scenario: Naturalization of Refugees
This scenario is based on the idea that in the end, and after the majority of Palestinians have emigrated, and under international and regional pressure, the Lebanese authorities would issue laws to naturalize the rest of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon, under social and humanitarian pretenses. This method was used with some sectors after the Madrid Conference of 1991. It is said that the economic hardship in Lebanon along with international pressure could facilitate such a scenario.
Probable Scenario:
The first scenario is the most probable, for PA-affiliated parties are still pushing conditions toward reaching a crisis. However, the second scenario is a continuous one, albeit with a different rhythm, which increased noticeably during the past few months. As for the naturalization scenario, it is still unlikely in the present circumstances, for the main Lebanese parties are still strongly against it, and the Palestinians themselves are concerned with their civil and humanitarian legal rights and not with naturalization.
The year 2019 is expected to be an important year for the future of the issue of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, considered one of the most difficult issues facing those who want to liquidate it. For Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are free to be politically active, they suffer difficult humanitarian conditions, and the RCs’ existence all over Lebanon.
Fifth: Conclusion
The threats facing the Palestinian presence in Lebanon are real and difficult, and any security deterioration in the RCs is dangerous and rejected by most Palestinian factions, and it will cause considerable damage to the Lebanese society.
The issue of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is political par excellence, and it’s better to deal with it as such, especially that the clash method was bad for all who used it, bringing losses to all. Palestinian forces in Lebanon must collectively prevent fighting between Palestinians, or between the Palestinians and the Lebanese. The Lebanese officials and parties must work to avoid such security tensions as well.
Sixth: Recommendations
1. Unifying the Palestinian stance to protect the Palestinian presence in Lebanon, provide security and stability, protect the right of return, and reject naturalization and displacement.
2. Conducting an urgent Palestinian-Lebanese dialogue to agree politically on the mutual relationship and prevent any form of violence.
3. Agreeing with the Lebanese government on the refugees’ right of return and rejecting naturalization and displacement.
4. Forging a Lebanese-Palestinian understanding on the human and social rights of refugees.
5. Pressuring the UNRWA and the international community to fulfill their duty to the refugees.
6. Removing security measures around the RCs and dealing with the social problems.
7. Forming a joint Palestinian security force to maintain security inside the RCs.
Conducting an urgent and comprehensive Palestinian-Lebanese dialogue will pave the way to avoid security tensions, distance the danger of foreign intervention, and protect Palestinian presence in Lebanon. It does not preclude state authority and places social responsibility at the international level.
- Source: Al-Zaytouna Center for Studies and Consultations.
Citing the lack of building permits, the Israeli authorities demolished or seized 33 Palestinian-owned structures in Area C of the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, including two structures provided as humanitarian assistance, United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the occupied Palestinian territory confirmed in its report covering the period from November 20th to December 3rd.
OCHA's biweekly “Protection of Civilians” report said that Israeli settler violence and vandalism in the West Bank have been on the rise since the beginning of 2018, with a weekly average of five attacks resulting in injuries or property damage, compared with an average of three in 2017 and two in 2016.
OCHA stressed that as a result of the demolitions and seizure of Palestinian structures, 16 people, including six children, were displaced and 226 persons were affected. It said that 24 of the targeted structures were in occupied East Jerusalem and nine were in Area C, which make over 60% of the area of the occupied West Bank.
The largest incident took place in the Shufat refugee camp in East Jerusalem, where 20 structures were demolished in the same day, affecting the livelihood of 179 people, under the pretext of lacking building permits in an area designated for a road.
In the Jabal al-Mukabbir neighborhood in East Jerusalem, the Israeli authorities demolished an apartment built on the rooftop of a residential structure, displacing a Palestinian family of four, including two children.
In Area C, two of the structures demolished were donor-funded water tanks provided as humanitarian assistance in response to a previous demolition in the Suba village in southern West Bank district of Hebron. Also in Area C, another three residential structures were demolished, displacing 13 people.
The OCHA report also said that during the same period, at least 11 attacks by Israeli settlers were recorded in the West Bank resulting in Palestinian property damage.
Around 85 Palestinian-owned trees were vandalized by Israeli settlers in Turmusayya village, near Ramallah.
In another five incidents, in al-Mughayyir (Ramallah), al-Jabaa near Bethlehem, Beit Iksa near Jerusalem, and Asira al-Qibliya and Huwwara villages, both located in the Nablus district, Israeli settlers punctured the tires of 52 vehicles and sprayed spray painted racist, anti-Arab slogans on some of the vehicles and on the walls of schools, mosques and several homes.
The report added that Israeli settlers and other Israeli groups entered various religious sites in the West Bank, triggering altercations and clashes with Palestinians. The affected sites included the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in East Jerusalem and a shrine in Sabastiya village in the Nablus district.
OCHA's biweekly “Protection of Civilians” report said that Israeli settler violence and vandalism in the West Bank have been on the rise since the beginning of 2018, with a weekly average of five attacks resulting in injuries or property damage, compared with an average of three in 2017 and two in 2016.
OCHA stressed that as a result of the demolitions and seizure of Palestinian structures, 16 people, including six children, were displaced and 226 persons were affected. It said that 24 of the targeted structures were in occupied East Jerusalem and nine were in Area C, which make over 60% of the area of the occupied West Bank.
The largest incident took place in the Shufat refugee camp in East Jerusalem, where 20 structures were demolished in the same day, affecting the livelihood of 179 people, under the pretext of lacking building permits in an area designated for a road.
In the Jabal al-Mukabbir neighborhood in East Jerusalem, the Israeli authorities demolished an apartment built on the rooftop of a residential structure, displacing a Palestinian family of four, including two children.
In Area C, two of the structures demolished were donor-funded water tanks provided as humanitarian assistance in response to a previous demolition in the Suba village in southern West Bank district of Hebron. Also in Area C, another three residential structures were demolished, displacing 13 people.
The OCHA report also said that during the same period, at least 11 attacks by Israeli settlers were recorded in the West Bank resulting in Palestinian property damage.
Around 85 Palestinian-owned trees were vandalized by Israeli settlers in Turmusayya village, near Ramallah.
In another five incidents, in al-Mughayyir (Ramallah), al-Jabaa near Bethlehem, Beit Iksa near Jerusalem, and Asira al-Qibliya and Huwwara villages, both located in the Nablus district, Israeli settlers punctured the tires of 52 vehicles and sprayed spray painted racist, anti-Arab slogans on some of the vehicles and on the walls of schools, mosques and several homes.
The report added that Israeli settlers and other Israeli groups entered various religious sites in the West Bank, triggering altercations and clashes with Palestinians. The affected sites included the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in East Jerusalem and a shrine in Sabastiya village in the Nablus district.
8 dec 2018
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has reported that Jewish settlers’ violence and vandalism have been on the rise since the beginning of 2018, with a weekly average of five attacks resulting in injuries or property damage, compared with an average of three in 2017 and two in 2016.
According to a report covering Israeli violations from 20 November to 3 December, OCHA said that at least 11 attacks were carried out by settlers and resulted in Palestinian property damage during the reporting period.
Around 85 Palestinian-owned trees were vandalized by Israeli settlers in Turmus’ayya village (Ramallah), while in another five incidents, in al-Mughayyir (Ramallah), Al Jab’a (Bethlehem), Beit Iksa (Jerusalem) and Asira al Qibliya and Huwwara (both in Nablus) villages, settlers punctured the tires of 52 vehicles and sprayed offensive graffiti on some of the vehicles and on the wall of a school, a mosque and several houses.
Settlers and other extrimist Jewish groups also stormed various religious sites in the West Bank, triggering altercations and clashes with Palestinians, which ended in no injuries. The affected sites included the Aqsa Mosque compound in east Jerusalem and a shrine in Sabastiya village.
In another context, the report said that at the pretext of unlicensed construction, the Israeli authorities demolished or seized 33 Palestinian-owned structures in Area C of the West Bank as well as in east Jerusalem, including two structures provided as humanitarian assistance. As a result, 16 people, including six children, were displaced and 226 persons were affected.
While clashes were happening following a search and arrest operation in Tulkarem city on December 4, a 22-year-old Palestinian man with special needs was shot and killed by Israeli forces.
Demonstrations in the context of the ‘Great March of Return’ continued for the 36th successive week, resulting in the injury of 272 Palestinians by Israeli forces, with no fatalities reported. Among the total number of injuries, 79 occurred during marches to protest restrictions on fishing areas in the northern Beit Lahia area, according to the report.
However, Israeli sources indicated that no incendiary kites or balloons were launched and that no attempts were made to breach the fence during any of the demonstrations.
On at least 31 occasions outside of the above-mentioned demonstrations, Israeli forces opened fire in access restricted areas at land and sea in Gaza, injuring one child who approached the perimeter fence. Three fishermen were detained and the livelihoods of Palestinian farmers and fishermen were disrupted. On two occasions, Israeli forces carried out leveling and excavation activities along the perimeter fence inside Gaza.
On November 26, a 32-year-old Palestinian man was shot and killed by Israeli forces, after he reportedly drove his vehicle into a group of soldiers stationed on the main road near Beit Ummar village in al-Khalil, injuring three of them. His body has been withheld by the Israeli authorities since then.
According to Palestinian eyewitnesses, OCHA said, the incident appeared to be a car accident, but Israeli media sources claimed that it was a deliberate attack. Since the beginning of 2018, 30 Palestinians have been killed during attacks or alleged attacks against Israelis in the West Bank.
According to a report covering Israeli violations from 20 November to 3 December, OCHA said that at least 11 attacks were carried out by settlers and resulted in Palestinian property damage during the reporting period.
Around 85 Palestinian-owned trees were vandalized by Israeli settlers in Turmus’ayya village (Ramallah), while in another five incidents, in al-Mughayyir (Ramallah), Al Jab’a (Bethlehem), Beit Iksa (Jerusalem) and Asira al Qibliya and Huwwara (both in Nablus) villages, settlers punctured the tires of 52 vehicles and sprayed offensive graffiti on some of the vehicles and on the wall of a school, a mosque and several houses.
Settlers and other extrimist Jewish groups also stormed various religious sites in the West Bank, triggering altercations and clashes with Palestinians, which ended in no injuries. The affected sites included the Aqsa Mosque compound in east Jerusalem and a shrine in Sabastiya village.
In another context, the report said that at the pretext of unlicensed construction, the Israeli authorities demolished or seized 33 Palestinian-owned structures in Area C of the West Bank as well as in east Jerusalem, including two structures provided as humanitarian assistance. As a result, 16 people, including six children, were displaced and 226 persons were affected.
While clashes were happening following a search and arrest operation in Tulkarem city on December 4, a 22-year-old Palestinian man with special needs was shot and killed by Israeli forces.
Demonstrations in the context of the ‘Great March of Return’ continued for the 36th successive week, resulting in the injury of 272 Palestinians by Israeli forces, with no fatalities reported. Among the total number of injuries, 79 occurred during marches to protest restrictions on fishing areas in the northern Beit Lahia area, according to the report.
However, Israeli sources indicated that no incendiary kites or balloons were launched and that no attempts were made to breach the fence during any of the demonstrations.
On at least 31 occasions outside of the above-mentioned demonstrations, Israeli forces opened fire in access restricted areas at land and sea in Gaza, injuring one child who approached the perimeter fence. Three fishermen were detained and the livelihoods of Palestinian farmers and fishermen were disrupted. On two occasions, Israeli forces carried out leveling and excavation activities along the perimeter fence inside Gaza.
On November 26, a 32-year-old Palestinian man was shot and killed by Israeli forces, after he reportedly drove his vehicle into a group of soldiers stationed on the main road near Beit Ummar village in al-Khalil, injuring three of them. His body has been withheld by the Israeli authorities since then.
According to Palestinian eyewitnesses, OCHA said, the incident appeared to be a car accident, but Israeli media sources claimed that it was a deliberate attack. Since the beginning of 2018, 30 Palestinians have been killed during attacks or alleged attacks against Israelis in the West Bank.
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