15 oct 2019
By Yousef Al-Helou
Culture is a reflection of each society and community. It can be identified through different factors ranging from traditional heritage, music to art and cuisine, among other elements.
They form the pillars of the identity of nations and countries, but if they are taken away and appropriated by others then what is left of that identity?
To this end, ordinary Palestinians including owners of Palestinian restaurants all over the world feel they have a duty to show the rich culture of their people through showing maps, posters, old photographs and handmade crafts decorating the interiors of their dining areas as well as sitting rooms in Palestinian homes.
It is a voluntary individual educational process to raise awareness amongst non-Palestinians and raise awareness to fight all attempts to forge history and most importantly the appropriation of Palestinian cuisine.
Restaurants are like little microcosms of the Palestinian identity and culture. A fierce cultural war often breaks out when Palestinian meals are mislabeled as Israeli ones whether by online or TV ads or at restaurants owned by Israelis.
Palestinian culture and life revolves around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. A few books were written about Palestinian cookery and cuisine; it is a reminder that food and national identity are tied together.
Lovers of Palestinian cuisine know where to find their favorite Palestinian dishes in their cities outside Palestine. Not to mention the famous Palestinian cheesy dessert known as kunafaeh.
Maramia, is Arabic for sage – an aromatic herb added to tea by Palestinians – it is one of the few places that offer the taste of Palestine in the UK.
The admiration to the Palestinians' cause and struggle is not only limited to politics, but also to their authentic typical meals such as musakhan, maqlouba, mansaf, stuffed vine leaves, hummus, falafel and shakshouka.
Cooking styles vary by region, and each type of style and the ingredients used, are generally based on the climate and location of the particular region in historic Palestine and on traditions.
Dining in restaurants such as Shakshouka – another restaurant based in central London – makes you identify with a place called home. Seeing posters of icons of the Palestinian struggle such as 16-year-old Ahed Tamimi, Yasser Arafat as well as Muslim and Christian holy places and traditional homemade handicrafts and embroideries. Shakshouka is a typical Palestinian meal; It consists of eggs poached in a sauce of spiced tomatoes, green peppers and chopped onion.
These kinds of restaurants serve as a hub to Palestinian communities through which Palestinians tell their stories and the deeply rooted narrative of their nation.
They do this to keep their history alive and to bring people closer to their homeland as well as attracting pro-Palestine supporters and sympathizers to enjoy their time and get a partial taste of being in Palestine while listening to Palestinian traditional music, learn Arabic with a Palestinian dialect or watch live performance of Palestinian folk dance known as Dabkah.
While the recipes of the meals vary and are hugely popular Middle Eastern dishes, one thing is crystal clear, you just cannot call hummus, falafel or shakshouka Israeli dishes even if the world's top celebrity chefs try to convince you they are. Simply put Israel was established in 1948 at the expense of the Palestinian people, who were made refugees scattered all over the world until this moment.
A big percentage of Israeli society consists of Arab Jews who migrated from Arab countries after the formation of the nascent state of Israel some 70 years ago. They brought with them "Arabic" authentic meals from countries such as Iraq, Morocco and Yemen.
The argument revolves around naming the dishes as Israeli, whereas calling them at least Middle Eastern or Levantine dishes would just calm the fumes a bit.
Palestinians often refer to attempts to appropriate their culture and cuisine as "Israeli forging strategy" aimed at stripping them of their identity through the theft of their cuisine as if occupying their land was not enough. They have a valid point as many would agree.
The endless propaganda efforts in which Israeli claims to Palestinian cuisine cannot just change facts because they have no historical base.
Inviting celebrity chefs to cook meals and branding them as Israeli will not succeed in convincing the world that falafel is Israel's national snack!
All these deliberate and decades old strategies will not erase Palestinian identity and culture.
If you want to taste the real authentic Palestinian cuisine and desserts you need to pay a visit to the old city in East Jerusalem Al-Quds, Hebron, Ramallah, Nablus, Bethlehem or Gaza some of the largest Palestinian cities on the Mediterranean under Palestinian control.
If you happen to be in Nazareth, Acre, Jaffa – cities in historic Palestine dominated by Palestinian communities then you have a chance to taste the real authentic Palestinian dishes but be wary and do not be misled if you are told that falafel is an Israeli dish. Palestinians have no sovereignty whatsoever when it comes to their freedom of movement, there is, however, also an attempt to appropriate their food.
Turkish kebabs, Lebanese tabbouleh, Moroccan couscous or Philly cheese steak are dishes that no one can argue were appropriated from other nations, but when it comes to Israel’s efforts to present itself as an indigenous Middle Eastern community, that does not resonate, especially if you call hummus "Israeli khummus.”
Palestinians are proud of their food and they are rightly provoked if they see food stalls in markets in Europe or in the US, for example, selling falafel sandwiches branding it as an Israeli national dish.
Planting olive groves and citrus orchards and fig trees are part of the Palestinian culture, as olives and pickles are a must on the Palestinian dining table.
There is no better taste for Palestinians and their three Levantine counterparts, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon than sitting down to a breakfast that contains zaatar – dried thyme – dipped in olive oil with a cup of tea with fresh mint or dried sage and if you want to something hearty you can have ful, hummus and falafel.
Cultural appropriation is denial of the existence and heritage of the owners of the land – the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide.
- Yousef Alhelou is a Palestinian journalist and political analyst based in London. He has been covering the Palestinian-Israeli affairs since 2005 and reported on the Israeli wars on Gaza in 2008 and 2012 as well as other major events. He is a former Reuters journalist fellow attended Oxford University and a United Nations alumni. His article appeared in TRT World website.
Culture is a reflection of each society and community. It can be identified through different factors ranging from traditional heritage, music to art and cuisine, among other elements.
They form the pillars of the identity of nations and countries, but if they are taken away and appropriated by others then what is left of that identity?
To this end, ordinary Palestinians including owners of Palestinian restaurants all over the world feel they have a duty to show the rich culture of their people through showing maps, posters, old photographs and handmade crafts decorating the interiors of their dining areas as well as sitting rooms in Palestinian homes.
It is a voluntary individual educational process to raise awareness amongst non-Palestinians and raise awareness to fight all attempts to forge history and most importantly the appropriation of Palestinian cuisine.
Restaurants are like little microcosms of the Palestinian identity and culture. A fierce cultural war often breaks out when Palestinian meals are mislabeled as Israeli ones whether by online or TV ads or at restaurants owned by Israelis.
Palestinian culture and life revolves around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. A few books were written about Palestinian cookery and cuisine; it is a reminder that food and national identity are tied together.
Lovers of Palestinian cuisine know where to find their favorite Palestinian dishes in their cities outside Palestine. Not to mention the famous Palestinian cheesy dessert known as kunafaeh.
Maramia, is Arabic for sage – an aromatic herb added to tea by Palestinians – it is one of the few places that offer the taste of Palestine in the UK.
The admiration to the Palestinians' cause and struggle is not only limited to politics, but also to their authentic typical meals such as musakhan, maqlouba, mansaf, stuffed vine leaves, hummus, falafel and shakshouka.
Cooking styles vary by region, and each type of style and the ingredients used, are generally based on the climate and location of the particular region in historic Palestine and on traditions.
Dining in restaurants such as Shakshouka – another restaurant based in central London – makes you identify with a place called home. Seeing posters of icons of the Palestinian struggle such as 16-year-old Ahed Tamimi, Yasser Arafat as well as Muslim and Christian holy places and traditional homemade handicrafts and embroideries. Shakshouka is a typical Palestinian meal; It consists of eggs poached in a sauce of spiced tomatoes, green peppers and chopped onion.
These kinds of restaurants serve as a hub to Palestinian communities through which Palestinians tell their stories and the deeply rooted narrative of their nation.
They do this to keep their history alive and to bring people closer to their homeland as well as attracting pro-Palestine supporters and sympathizers to enjoy their time and get a partial taste of being in Palestine while listening to Palestinian traditional music, learn Arabic with a Palestinian dialect or watch live performance of Palestinian folk dance known as Dabkah.
While the recipes of the meals vary and are hugely popular Middle Eastern dishes, one thing is crystal clear, you just cannot call hummus, falafel or shakshouka Israeli dishes even if the world's top celebrity chefs try to convince you they are. Simply put Israel was established in 1948 at the expense of the Palestinian people, who were made refugees scattered all over the world until this moment.
A big percentage of Israeli society consists of Arab Jews who migrated from Arab countries after the formation of the nascent state of Israel some 70 years ago. They brought with them "Arabic" authentic meals from countries such as Iraq, Morocco and Yemen.
The argument revolves around naming the dishes as Israeli, whereas calling them at least Middle Eastern or Levantine dishes would just calm the fumes a bit.
Palestinians often refer to attempts to appropriate their culture and cuisine as "Israeli forging strategy" aimed at stripping them of their identity through the theft of their cuisine as if occupying their land was not enough. They have a valid point as many would agree.
The endless propaganda efforts in which Israeli claims to Palestinian cuisine cannot just change facts because they have no historical base.
Inviting celebrity chefs to cook meals and branding them as Israeli will not succeed in convincing the world that falafel is Israel's national snack!
All these deliberate and decades old strategies will not erase Palestinian identity and culture.
If you want to taste the real authentic Palestinian cuisine and desserts you need to pay a visit to the old city in East Jerusalem Al-Quds, Hebron, Ramallah, Nablus, Bethlehem or Gaza some of the largest Palestinian cities on the Mediterranean under Palestinian control.
If you happen to be in Nazareth, Acre, Jaffa – cities in historic Palestine dominated by Palestinian communities then you have a chance to taste the real authentic Palestinian dishes but be wary and do not be misled if you are told that falafel is an Israeli dish. Palestinians have no sovereignty whatsoever when it comes to their freedom of movement, there is, however, also an attempt to appropriate their food.
Turkish kebabs, Lebanese tabbouleh, Moroccan couscous or Philly cheese steak are dishes that no one can argue were appropriated from other nations, but when it comes to Israel’s efforts to present itself as an indigenous Middle Eastern community, that does not resonate, especially if you call hummus "Israeli khummus.”
Palestinians are proud of their food and they are rightly provoked if they see food stalls in markets in Europe or in the US, for example, selling falafel sandwiches branding it as an Israeli national dish.
Planting olive groves and citrus orchards and fig trees are part of the Palestinian culture, as olives and pickles are a must on the Palestinian dining table.
There is no better taste for Palestinians and their three Levantine counterparts, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon than sitting down to a breakfast that contains zaatar – dried thyme – dipped in olive oil with a cup of tea with fresh mint or dried sage and if you want to something hearty you can have ful, hummus and falafel.
Cultural appropriation is denial of the existence and heritage of the owners of the land – the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide.
- Yousef Alhelou is a Palestinian journalist and political analyst based in London. He has been covering the Palestinian-Israeli affairs since 2005 and reported on the Israeli wars on Gaza in 2008 and 2012 as well as other major events. He is a former Reuters journalist fellow attended Oxford University and a United Nations alumni. His article appeared in TRT World website.
Kuwait’s National Assembly Speaker, Marzouk al-Ghanim, said Monday that the Israeli occupation’s persistence in its crimes is encouraged by the international community’s silence.
Al-Ghanim made his remarks at the 141st Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) conference being held in Serbia capital, Belgrade.
“The international silence increases despair and kills hope of the region’s nations, especially the Palestinian people, he said.
“This might lead the situation to explode and no one will be immunized against its repercussions and effects,” he warned.
Al-Ghanim made his remarks at the 141st Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) conference being held in Serbia capital, Belgrade.
“The international silence increases despair and kills hope of the region’s nations, especially the Palestinian people, he said.
“This might lead the situation to explode and no one will be immunized against its repercussions and effects,” he warned.
14 oct 2019
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas leads Palestine Liberation Organisation board meeting in Ramallah, West Bank on October 03, 2019
The call by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas for elections in the Occupied Territories is a political ploy. There will be no true, democratic elections under Abbas’ leadership. The real question is: why did he make the call in the first place?
On September 26, Abbas took on the world’s most important political platform, the United Nations General Assembly, to call for “general elections in Palestine – in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip”.
The Palestinian leader prefaced his announcement with a lofty emphasis on the centrality of democracy in his thinking. “From the outset, we have believed in democracy as a foundation for the building of our State and society,” he said with unmistakable self-assurance.
But, as it turned out, it was only Hamas – not Israel, and certainly not the PA’s own undemocratic, transparent and corrupt legacy – that made Abbas’ democratic mission impossible.
Upon his return from New York, Abbas formed a committee, whose mission, according to official Palestinian media, is to consult with various Palestinian factions regarding the promised elections.
Hamas immediately accepted the call for elections, though it asked for further clarifications. The core demand for the Islamic group, which controls the besieged Gaza Strip, is a simultaneous election that includes the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), the PA presidency and, most importantly, the Palestine National Council (PNC) – the legislative component of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
While the PLO has fallen under the tight grip of Abbas and a clique within his own Fatah party, the remaining institutions have operated without any democratic, popular mandates for nearly 13 years.
The last PLC elections were held in 2006, followed by a Hamas-Fatah clash that resulted in the current political rift between the two parties.
As for Abbas’ own mandate, that, too, expired sometime in 2009. It means that Abbas, who supposedly believes “in democracy as the foundation for the building of our State” is an undemocratically reigning president without any real mandate to rule over Palestinians.
Not that Palestinians are shying away from making their feelings clear. Time after time, they have asked Abbas to leave. But the 83-year-old is bent on remaining in power – however one defines “power” under the yoke of Israeli military occupation.
The prevalent analysis following Abbas’ call for elections is that such an undertaking is simply impossible, considering the circumstances. To begin with, after winning US recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, Israel is unlikely to allow the Palestinians to include occupied East Jerusalem in any future vote.
Hamas, on the other hand, is likely to reject the inclusion of Gaza if the elections are limited to the PLC, and exclude Abbas’ own position and the PNC.
Without a PNC vote, the reordering and resurrection of the PLO would remain elusive, a belief that is shared by other Palestinian factions.
Being aware of these obstacles, Abbas must already know that the chances of real, fair, free and truly inclusive elections are negligible. But his call is the last, desperate move to quell growing resentment among Palestinians, at his decades-long failure to utilize the so-called peace process to achieve his people’s long-denied rights.
There are three, main reasons compelling Abbas to make this move at this, specific time.
First, the demise of the peace process and the two-state solution, through a succession of Israeli and American measures, has left the PA, and Abbas in particular, isolated and short on funds. Palestinians who supported such political illusions no longer constitute the majority.
Second, the PA constitutional court resolved, last December, that the president should call for an election within the next six months, that is, by June 2019. The court, itself under Abbas’ control, aimed to provide the Palestinian leader with a legal outlet to dismiss the previously elected parliament – whose mandate expired in 2010 – and create new grounds for his political legitimacy. Still, he failed to adhere to the court’s decision.
Third, and most importantly, the Palestinian people are clearly fed up of Abbas, his authority and all the political shenanigans of the factions. In fact, 61 percent of all Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza want Abbas to step down, according to a public opinion poll held by the Palestinian Center for Political and Polling Research in September.
The same poll indicates that Palestinians reject the entire political discourse which has served as the foundation for Abbas and his PA’s political strategies. Moreover, 56 percent of Palestinians oppose the two-state solution; up to 50 percent believe that the performance of the current PA government of Mohammed Shtayyeh is worse than that of his predecessor; and 40 percent want the PA to be dissolved.
Tellingly, 72 percent of Palestinians want legislative and presidential elections held throughout the occupied territories. The same percentage wants the PA to lift its share of the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip.
Abbas is now at his weakest political position since his advent to leadership, many years ago. With no control over political outcomes that are determined by Tel Aviv and Washington, he has resorted to making a vague call for elections that have no chance of success.
While the outcome is predictable, Abbas hopes that, for now, he would once more appear as the committed leader who is beholden to international consensus and the wishes of his own people.
It will take months of wasted energy, political wrangling and an embarrassing media circus before the election ploy falls apart, ushering in a blame game between Abbas and his rivals that could last months, if not years.
This is hardly the strategy that the Palestinian people – living under brutal occupation and a suffocating siege – need or want. The truth is that Abbas, and whatever political class he represents, have become a true obstacle in the path of a nation that is in desperate need of unity and a meaningful political strategy.
What the Palestinian people urgently require is not a half-hearted call for elections, but a new leadership, a demand they have articulated repeatedly, though Abbas refuses to listen.
The call by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas for elections in the Occupied Territories is a political ploy. There will be no true, democratic elections under Abbas’ leadership. The real question is: why did he make the call in the first place?
On September 26, Abbas took on the world’s most important political platform, the United Nations General Assembly, to call for “general elections in Palestine – in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip”.
The Palestinian leader prefaced his announcement with a lofty emphasis on the centrality of democracy in his thinking. “From the outset, we have believed in democracy as a foundation for the building of our State and society,” he said with unmistakable self-assurance.
But, as it turned out, it was only Hamas – not Israel, and certainly not the PA’s own undemocratic, transparent and corrupt legacy – that made Abbas’ democratic mission impossible.
Upon his return from New York, Abbas formed a committee, whose mission, according to official Palestinian media, is to consult with various Palestinian factions regarding the promised elections.
Hamas immediately accepted the call for elections, though it asked for further clarifications. The core demand for the Islamic group, which controls the besieged Gaza Strip, is a simultaneous election that includes the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), the PA presidency and, most importantly, the Palestine National Council (PNC) – the legislative component of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
While the PLO has fallen under the tight grip of Abbas and a clique within his own Fatah party, the remaining institutions have operated without any democratic, popular mandates for nearly 13 years.
The last PLC elections were held in 2006, followed by a Hamas-Fatah clash that resulted in the current political rift between the two parties.
As for Abbas’ own mandate, that, too, expired sometime in 2009. It means that Abbas, who supposedly believes “in democracy as the foundation for the building of our State” is an undemocratically reigning president without any real mandate to rule over Palestinians.
Not that Palestinians are shying away from making their feelings clear. Time after time, they have asked Abbas to leave. But the 83-year-old is bent on remaining in power – however one defines “power” under the yoke of Israeli military occupation.
The prevalent analysis following Abbas’ call for elections is that such an undertaking is simply impossible, considering the circumstances. To begin with, after winning US recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, Israel is unlikely to allow the Palestinians to include occupied East Jerusalem in any future vote.
Hamas, on the other hand, is likely to reject the inclusion of Gaza if the elections are limited to the PLC, and exclude Abbas’ own position and the PNC.
Without a PNC vote, the reordering and resurrection of the PLO would remain elusive, a belief that is shared by other Palestinian factions.
Being aware of these obstacles, Abbas must already know that the chances of real, fair, free and truly inclusive elections are negligible. But his call is the last, desperate move to quell growing resentment among Palestinians, at his decades-long failure to utilize the so-called peace process to achieve his people’s long-denied rights.
There are three, main reasons compelling Abbas to make this move at this, specific time.
First, the demise of the peace process and the two-state solution, through a succession of Israeli and American measures, has left the PA, and Abbas in particular, isolated and short on funds. Palestinians who supported such political illusions no longer constitute the majority.
Second, the PA constitutional court resolved, last December, that the president should call for an election within the next six months, that is, by June 2019. The court, itself under Abbas’ control, aimed to provide the Palestinian leader with a legal outlet to dismiss the previously elected parliament – whose mandate expired in 2010 – and create new grounds for his political legitimacy. Still, he failed to adhere to the court’s decision.
Third, and most importantly, the Palestinian people are clearly fed up of Abbas, his authority and all the political shenanigans of the factions. In fact, 61 percent of all Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza want Abbas to step down, according to a public opinion poll held by the Palestinian Center for Political and Polling Research in September.
The same poll indicates that Palestinians reject the entire political discourse which has served as the foundation for Abbas and his PA’s political strategies. Moreover, 56 percent of Palestinians oppose the two-state solution; up to 50 percent believe that the performance of the current PA government of Mohammed Shtayyeh is worse than that of his predecessor; and 40 percent want the PA to be dissolved.
Tellingly, 72 percent of Palestinians want legislative and presidential elections held throughout the occupied territories. The same percentage wants the PA to lift its share of the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip.
Abbas is now at his weakest political position since his advent to leadership, many years ago. With no control over political outcomes that are determined by Tel Aviv and Washington, he has resorted to making a vague call for elections that have no chance of success.
While the outcome is predictable, Abbas hopes that, for now, he would once more appear as the committed leader who is beholden to international consensus and the wishes of his own people.
It will take months of wasted energy, political wrangling and an embarrassing media circus before the election ploy falls apart, ushering in a blame game between Abbas and his rivals that could last months, if not years.
This is hardly the strategy that the Palestinian people – living under brutal occupation and a suffocating siege – need or want. The truth is that Abbas, and whatever political class he represents, have become a true obstacle in the path of a nation that is in desperate need of unity and a meaningful political strategy.
What the Palestinian people urgently require is not a half-hearted call for elections, but a new leadership, a demand they have articulated repeatedly, though Abbas refuses to listen.
12 oct 2019
Tunisian presidential candidate Kaïs Saïed in a televised debate described normalizing relations with the Israeli occupation as "high treason".
Saïed said that he is against normalization with Israel, stressing that those who collaborate with an occupation that displaced an entire people must be condemned for high treason.
When asked about whether visits will be allowed to synagogues in Tunisia, he clarified that Jews with no Israeli passports are welcome.
On Friday, Tunisians began voting abroad in the second round of presidential elections which will be held on Sunday, 13 October, in Tunisia with two contenders: Kaïs Saïed and Nabil Karoui.
Saïed said that he is against normalization with Israel, stressing that those who collaborate with an occupation that displaced an entire people must be condemned for high treason.
When asked about whether visits will be allowed to synagogues in Tunisia, he clarified that Jews with no Israeli passports are welcome.
On Friday, Tunisians began voting abroad in the second round of presidential elections which will be held on Sunday, 13 October, in Tunisia with two contenders: Kaïs Saïed and Nabil Karoui.
