6 aug 2013
The winner of “Arab Idol,” Mohammed Assaf is planning to move from the Gaza Strip to the West bank.
The 23-year-old singer hopes the move will allow him to develop his musical career.
Israel’s coordinator of government activities in the occupied territories, Major-General Eitan Dangot, approved Assaf’s request to move, on Monday. Assaf will be joined by his parents, sister and brother-in-law, who is also the young star’s manager.
The ambitious young singer realized he would not be able to pursue his career if he remained in the Hamas-ruled Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip.
Assaf, born in Libya to Palestinian parents was barely able to compete in the Arab Idol singing completion. According to Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahranoth, Assaf had to implore Hamas to let him leave Gaza and then bribe Egyptian boarder guards in order to attend the auditions in Cairo. The “Arab Idol” contest itself was broadcast from Beirut.
Throughout the past month and a half the “Arab Idol,” champion has toured though different Arab countries to sing. Assaf otherwise resides in the West Bank, however his family is still in the Gaza Strip where he cannot see them. With the move having been approved, Assaf will be reunited with his family and be able to continue developing his musical career in the West Bank.
The 23-year-old singer hopes the move will allow him to develop his musical career.
Israel’s coordinator of government activities in the occupied territories, Major-General Eitan Dangot, approved Assaf’s request to move, on Monday. Assaf will be joined by his parents, sister and brother-in-law, who is also the young star’s manager.
The ambitious young singer realized he would not be able to pursue his career if he remained in the Hamas-ruled Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip.
Assaf, born in Libya to Palestinian parents was barely able to compete in the Arab Idol singing completion. According to Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahranoth, Assaf had to implore Hamas to let him leave Gaza and then bribe Egyptian boarder guards in order to attend the auditions in Cairo. The “Arab Idol” contest itself was broadcast from Beirut.
Throughout the past month and a half the “Arab Idol,” champion has toured though different Arab countries to sing. Assaf otherwise resides in the West Bank, however his family is still in the Gaza Strip where he cannot see them. With the move having been approved, Assaf will be reunited with his family and be able to continue developing his musical career in the West Bank.
A picture of the killer
Palestinian police investigations revealed that the killer of his brother's family, who is known locally as Salfit butcher, was working as a spy for the Israeli intelligence. Last month, a brutal murder of a young pregnant housewife named Lina Fattouni and her kids Majd and Jana rocked Salfit city.
The police investigations found out that the killer, Abdul-Muneim Fattouni, murdered his sister-in-law (Lina) and her kids by direct strangulation and used the gas cylinder in the house to cover his crime and make others believe that the victims died of gas suffocation.
The police affirmed that the real reason for the murder was that his sister-in-law had discovered that he was working for the Israeli intelligence, so he hastened to get rid of her at the instigation of his Israeli employer.
The killer noted in his confession that his Israeli intelligence employer had advised him how to cover his tracks after committing his crime by making up a gas leak in the house, carrying the body of the little girl and using her hand to wipe out any of his fingerprints to be found on the doors and the gas cylinder.
Palestinian police investigations revealed that the killer of his brother's family, who is known locally as Salfit butcher, was working as a spy for the Israeli intelligence. Last month, a brutal murder of a young pregnant housewife named Lina Fattouni and her kids Majd and Jana rocked Salfit city.
The police investigations found out that the killer, Abdul-Muneim Fattouni, murdered his sister-in-law (Lina) and her kids by direct strangulation and used the gas cylinder in the house to cover his crime and make others believe that the victims died of gas suffocation.
The police affirmed that the real reason for the murder was that his sister-in-law had discovered that he was working for the Israeli intelligence, so he hastened to get rid of her at the instigation of his Israeli employer.
The killer noted in his confession that his Israeli intelligence employer had advised him how to cover his tracks after committing his crime by making up a gas leak in the house, carrying the body of the little girl and using her hand to wipe out any of his fingerprints to be found on the doors and the gas cylinder.
PLO Executive Committee member Dr. Hanan Ashrawi met on Monday with Sir Simon Gass, Political Director and the UK Prime Minister's Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, as well as representatives from the British Consulate and DFID, PLO Executive Committee said in a press release.
In the meeting, Dr. Ashrawi stressed, "The facts on the ground speak for themselves. There will never be a contiguous Palestinian state as long as settlements remain intact. The Palestinian position has been constant: all settlements and outposts are illegal under international law."
She added, "Extreme right-wing officials have hijacked the Israeli political agenda which serves the settlers at the expense of peace. They are responsible for the emergence of the language and culture of hate, racism and violence in Israel."
"Israel is not used to paying a price or to being held accountable for its military occupation of Palestine and its persistent violations. If U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry's peace initiative is to succeed then Israel much comply with international law and conventions, particularly in the case of the 1967 borders, Jerusalem and Palestinian refugees," concluded Dr. Ashrawi.
In the meeting, Dr. Ashrawi stressed, "The facts on the ground speak for themselves. There will never be a contiguous Palestinian state as long as settlements remain intact. The Palestinian position has been constant: all settlements and outposts are illegal under international law."
She added, "Extreme right-wing officials have hijacked the Israeli political agenda which serves the settlers at the expense of peace. They are responsible for the emergence of the language and culture of hate, racism and violence in Israel."
"Israel is not used to paying a price or to being held accountable for its military occupation of Palestine and its persistent violations. If U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry's peace initiative is to succeed then Israel much comply with international law and conventions, particularly in the case of the 1967 borders, Jerusalem and Palestinian refugees," concluded Dr. Ashrawi.
On Sunday the New York Times published a biased article focusing on the 'culture of stone-throwing' in the West Bank’s small farming town of Beit Ommar, just north of Hebron. The author, Jodi Rudoren, traveled to the Beit Ommar to get to the bottom of stone-throwing, which she refers to as ‘a Palestinian hobby’.
Rudoren brushes over the context: Beit Ommar has been occupied by Israeli settlers and military for decades. Generations of Palestinians in Beit Ommar have never known life without the constant violence, humiliation, and dehumanization of the Israeli Occupation Force (IOF). A third of their land is illegally occupied by settlers, who receive incentives from the Israeli government to live there.
Instead of investigating small rocks thrown by youth in relation to the occupation, Rudoren portrays stone-throwing as a deadly hobby of Palestinian youth, which victimizes the innocent Israeli settlers and the helpless IOF officers. Don’t mind that the military officers drive tanks and wield rifles at all times. Rifles, that they shoot at children to counter the rocks they throw. Tanks that they use to transport children as young as 9 years old into prison, in the middle of the night, where they are kept for up to eleven months, which strategically also keeps them out of school. Don’t mind the UN report that the IOF has arrested 7,000 minors between 2002 and 2012 for the terrible crime of throwing rocks. Don’t mind that Defense for Children International, an advocacy group, found that of the Palestinian youths arrested last year, most were blindfolded, beaten and threatened during interrogations until they confessed to throwing stones.
Rudoren meets a local settler near Beit Ommar, who explains the injustice of the situation. “It’s crazy: I’m going to get pizza, and [it’s as if] I’m driving through a war zone.” News flash lady: Occupation is a war tactic and you are on the offence. Later, settlers were ‘forced’ to shoot Palestinians on that very same road. Sounds like the settlers really are getting the short end of the stick.
The article opens with 17 year old Muhammad Abu Hashem being hurled off by the IOF at 4 a.m. on July 8th 2013. She uses the minor, who had been arrested three times previously, as a ‘case study’ for understanding all Palestinian youth. (Rudoren, that’s not the way to conduct anthropological studies.) The author fails to understand stone-throwing as a powerful form of resistance against the occupation, even when 10 year old Abdullah specifically told her he feels good about throwing stones because “they [IOF and settlers] occupy us.” In her own article she writes that locals said “they are provoked by the situation: soldiers stationed at the village entrance, settlers tending trees beyond.” She interpreted these words as follows:
“They throw because there is little else to do in Beit Ommar — no pool or cinema, no music lessons after school, no part-time jobs other than peddling produce along the road. They do it because their brothers and fathers did.” Rudoren got to the bottom of the strange mystery of rock throwing! Palestinian youth throw rocks because they are impoverished, animalistic, violent, and to top it all off, bored!
Rudoren brushes over the context: Beit Ommar has been occupied by Israeli settlers and military for decades. Generations of Palestinians in Beit Ommar have never known life without the constant violence, humiliation, and dehumanization of the Israeli Occupation Force (IOF). A third of their land is illegally occupied by settlers, who receive incentives from the Israeli government to live there.
Instead of investigating small rocks thrown by youth in relation to the occupation, Rudoren portrays stone-throwing as a deadly hobby of Palestinian youth, which victimizes the innocent Israeli settlers and the helpless IOF officers. Don’t mind that the military officers drive tanks and wield rifles at all times. Rifles, that they shoot at children to counter the rocks they throw. Tanks that they use to transport children as young as 9 years old into prison, in the middle of the night, where they are kept for up to eleven months, which strategically also keeps them out of school. Don’t mind the UN report that the IOF has arrested 7,000 minors between 2002 and 2012 for the terrible crime of throwing rocks. Don’t mind that Defense for Children International, an advocacy group, found that of the Palestinian youths arrested last year, most were blindfolded, beaten and threatened during interrogations until they confessed to throwing stones.
Rudoren meets a local settler near Beit Ommar, who explains the injustice of the situation. “It’s crazy: I’m going to get pizza, and [it’s as if] I’m driving through a war zone.” News flash lady: Occupation is a war tactic and you are on the offence. Later, settlers were ‘forced’ to shoot Palestinians on that very same road. Sounds like the settlers really are getting the short end of the stick.
The article opens with 17 year old Muhammad Abu Hashem being hurled off by the IOF at 4 a.m. on July 8th 2013. She uses the minor, who had been arrested three times previously, as a ‘case study’ for understanding all Palestinian youth. (Rudoren, that’s not the way to conduct anthropological studies.) The author fails to understand stone-throwing as a powerful form of resistance against the occupation, even when 10 year old Abdullah specifically told her he feels good about throwing stones because “they [IOF and settlers] occupy us.” In her own article she writes that locals said “they are provoked by the situation: soldiers stationed at the village entrance, settlers tending trees beyond.” She interpreted these words as follows:
“They throw because there is little else to do in Beit Ommar — no pool or cinema, no music lessons after school, no part-time jobs other than peddling produce along the road. They do it because their brothers and fathers did.” Rudoren got to the bottom of the strange mystery of rock throwing! Palestinian youth throw rocks because they are impoverished, animalistic, violent, and to top it all off, bored!
5 aug 2013
Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki met Monday with Iran’s vice president Issac Jahangiri in Tehran and delivered congratulations on behalf of President Mahmoud Abbas to the newly sworn-in president of Iran Hassan Rohani.
According to the official Palestinian news agency Wafa, al-Maliki told the Iranian official that Abbas was looking forward to developing relations between Palestine and Iran and making relations more open so as to serve interests of both nations.
The foreign minister updated the Iranian official on the ongoing Israeli violations in Palestine, particularly in Jerusalem and its holy al-Aqsa Mosque. He explained that Israeli extremists had set fire to mosques and houses as settlement expansion continued across the West Bank including Jerusalem.
For his part, the Iranian vice president thanked Palestine for joining the inauguration of Iran’s president-elect. He reiterated that Iran would continue to support the Palestinian people and Abbas’ efforts to end rivalry between Fatah and Hamas.
According to the official Palestinian news agency Wafa, al-Maliki told the Iranian official that Abbas was looking forward to developing relations between Palestine and Iran and making relations more open so as to serve interests of both nations.
The foreign minister updated the Iranian official on the ongoing Israeli violations in Palestine, particularly in Jerusalem and its holy al-Aqsa Mosque. He explained that Israeli extremists had set fire to mosques and houses as settlement expansion continued across the West Bank including Jerusalem.
For his part, the Iranian vice president thanked Palestine for joining the inauguration of Iran’s president-elect. He reiterated that Iran would continue to support the Palestinian people and Abbas’ efforts to end rivalry between Fatah and Hamas.
By BDS Catalonia
Last February FC Barcelona announced plans for the Barcelona first team to play a match in Tel Aviv (Israel) against a combined team of Israeli and Palestinian players to help “build bridges of dialogue between the two peoples” [1]. It was to be called the “peace match” and was scheduled to be played on July 31, 2013.
FC Barcelona: Clinics Normalise Occupation
As soon as it was announced, however, the match provoked the opposition of the majority of the Palestinian population and of international organizations in solidarity with Palestine. The president of the Palestine football federation Jibril Rajoub gave the proposal a cool reception, stating that it was “too soon” for an initiative of this kind and that “Israel does not even recognise Palestine as a sporting entity”.
Under the banner of “peace” the club was equating the occupying power and the occupied people. Barça, in collaboration with the international war criminal and Israeli president Shimon Peres, wanted the world to believe that the conflict between Israel and Palestine was down to some misunderstanding between two equal parties which could be resolved by “dialogue” and building “bridges for peace”. But, in reality, the origin of the situation is in the policies of occupation, apartheid and colonisation which Israel has carried out in Palestine since 1948. And the way to put an end to it is by the application of International Law and respect for the fundamental human rights of the Palestinian people.
The Solidarity Network Against the Occupation of Palestine (RESCOP), made up of 38 organisations in the Spanish state including BDS Catalonia, launched a petition on Change.org asking Barça not to play in Israel [2]. The petition, published in six languages received around 2400 signatures from all over the world.
Faced with the avalanche of international criticism and the unwillingness of the Palestine National Authority to participate in the Catalan club’s initiative, FC Barcelona decided to cancel the “match for peace”. A few weeks later the club announced that, instead of the match, it would hold sports “clinics” in Palestine and Israel on the 3rd and 4th of August, at which all the players of FC Barcelona would be present and in which kids from both communities would participate [3].
BDS Catalonia, which forms part of the international Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel, wishes to make clear its opposition to the sporting “clinics” promoted by Barça in Palestine and Israel because they are inspired by the same logic as the defunct “match for peace”: namely equating occupier and occupied in the name of “peace” and normalising the occupation of Palestine. If Barça decided to organise a sports “clinic” just for girls and boys in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), the club – which is passionately supported by Palestinian youth – would be doing something praiseworthy. But to organise a sports “clinic” in Israel the day after doing one in the OPT would be to equate occupier and occupied and normalise an illegal occupation. Israel uses this kind of initiative politically to project an international image as a “normal” state which seeks “peace” while daily carrying out its everyday policies which systematically violate international law and human rights of the Palestinian people.
As we have said on previous occasions, the best contribution FC Barcelona could make to the cause of a just peace in Palestine would be to answer the call which Palestinian civil society made in 2005 [4] and apply a sporting boycott against Israel, as was successfully done against the South African apartheid regime.
Signed: BDS Catalonia
[1] « Palestinian leaders give support to FC Barcelona’s peace initiative »
[2] « FC Barcelona: Don't Play in Israel »
[3] « FC Barcelona will host two football clinics on August 3 and 4 in the Palestinian Territories and Israel »
[4] « Palestinian Civil Society Calls for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions against Israel Until it Complies with International Law and Universal Principles of Human Rights »
This article was originally published by BDS Catalonia.
Last February FC Barcelona announced plans for the Barcelona first team to play a match in Tel Aviv (Israel) against a combined team of Israeli and Palestinian players to help “build bridges of dialogue between the two peoples” [1]. It was to be called the “peace match” and was scheduled to be played on July 31, 2013.
FC Barcelona: Clinics Normalise Occupation
As soon as it was announced, however, the match provoked the opposition of the majority of the Palestinian population and of international organizations in solidarity with Palestine. The president of the Palestine football federation Jibril Rajoub gave the proposal a cool reception, stating that it was “too soon” for an initiative of this kind and that “Israel does not even recognise Palestine as a sporting entity”.
Under the banner of “peace” the club was equating the occupying power and the occupied people. Barça, in collaboration with the international war criminal and Israeli president Shimon Peres, wanted the world to believe that the conflict between Israel and Palestine was down to some misunderstanding between two equal parties which could be resolved by “dialogue” and building “bridges for peace”. But, in reality, the origin of the situation is in the policies of occupation, apartheid and colonisation which Israel has carried out in Palestine since 1948. And the way to put an end to it is by the application of International Law and respect for the fundamental human rights of the Palestinian people.
The Solidarity Network Against the Occupation of Palestine (RESCOP), made up of 38 organisations in the Spanish state including BDS Catalonia, launched a petition on Change.org asking Barça not to play in Israel [2]. The petition, published in six languages received around 2400 signatures from all over the world.
Faced with the avalanche of international criticism and the unwillingness of the Palestine National Authority to participate in the Catalan club’s initiative, FC Barcelona decided to cancel the “match for peace”. A few weeks later the club announced that, instead of the match, it would hold sports “clinics” in Palestine and Israel on the 3rd and 4th of August, at which all the players of FC Barcelona would be present and in which kids from both communities would participate [3].
BDS Catalonia, which forms part of the international Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel, wishes to make clear its opposition to the sporting “clinics” promoted by Barça in Palestine and Israel because they are inspired by the same logic as the defunct “match for peace”: namely equating occupier and occupied in the name of “peace” and normalising the occupation of Palestine. If Barça decided to organise a sports “clinic” just for girls and boys in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), the club – which is passionately supported by Palestinian youth – would be doing something praiseworthy. But to organise a sports “clinic” in Israel the day after doing one in the OPT would be to equate occupier and occupied and normalise an illegal occupation. Israel uses this kind of initiative politically to project an international image as a “normal” state which seeks “peace” while daily carrying out its everyday policies which systematically violate international law and human rights of the Palestinian people.
As we have said on previous occasions, the best contribution FC Barcelona could make to the cause of a just peace in Palestine would be to answer the call which Palestinian civil society made in 2005 [4] and apply a sporting boycott against Israel, as was successfully done against the South African apartheid regime.
Signed: BDS Catalonia
[1] « Palestinian leaders give support to FC Barcelona’s peace initiative »
[2] « FC Barcelona: Don't Play in Israel »
[3] « FC Barcelona will host two football clinics on August 3 and 4 in the Palestinian Territories and Israel »
[4] « Palestinian Civil Society Calls for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions against Israel Until it Complies with International Law and Universal Principles of Human Rights »
This article was originally published by BDS Catalonia.
Deputy head of Hamas's political bureau Mousa Abu Marzouk said that the decision taken by de facto president Mahmoud Abbas to resume the peace talks with the Israeli occupation put the national reconciliation file in a refrigerator. In remarks published on Monday by Quds Press, Abu Marzouk added that the internal events in Egypt made it unready to host inter-Palestinian reconciliation meetings.
The Hamas official also belittled the threats made by Abbas to issue a decree setting a date for the presidential and legislative elections in the occupied Palestinian lands without the consent of Hamas at the pretext that it obstructs the execution of the reconciliation agreements.
The Hamas official also belittled the threats made by Abbas to issue a decree setting a date for the presidential and legislative elections in the occupied Palestinian lands without the consent of Hamas at the pretext that it obstructs the execution of the reconciliation agreements.
From my recent visit to Hebron, I was especially struck by the clear and intentional lines dividing life under the occupation. Above a richly diverse Old City market sits an Israeli settlement, separated only by a wire covering that captures the trash, rocks, and any other objects that settlers choose to throw off their balconies onto the Palestinians.
Down the road from an established settlement, complete with a sign that misrepresents the land as "stolen" by Arabs, is a well-guarded passageway to enter the mosque and Palestinian market. Across a tiny space between two yards, settler families from America look out over Palestinian advocates of nonviolent resistance, whose names and personalities they know, but who, in other situation, they treat with condescension, stone-throwing, verbal abuse, and vandalism. Encroaching upon a set of villages in the South Hebron Hills is Firing Zone 918, an area the Israeli military has designated as a training site, and which currently threatens 1,300 Palestinians with home demolitions and eviction from their villages.
Down the road from an established settlement, complete with a sign that misrepresents the land as "stolen" by Arabs, is a well-guarded passageway to enter the mosque and Palestinian market. Across a tiny space between two yards, settler families from America look out over Palestinian advocates of nonviolent resistance, whose names and personalities they know, but who, in other situation, they treat with condescension, stone-throwing, verbal abuse, and vandalism. Encroaching upon a set of villages in the South Hebron Hills is Firing Zone 918, an area the Israeli military has designated as a training site, and which currently threatens 1,300 Palestinians with home demolitions and eviction from their villages.
Israeli human rights organization B'tselem has pointed to one element of the problem, the fact that soldiers will often turn a blind eye to blatant settler violence. It is particularly striking, when visiting Hebron, to hear about the many forms that Palestinian nonviolence has taken, from a friendly greeting to settlers on the streets, to nonviolent demonstrations against the closure of Shuhada Street, to educating tourists on the realities and challenging conditions of Hebron life for Palestinians. In contrast, there is violence both in language and in action, perpetrated by Hebron settlers.
One weapon is the simple and sweeping denial of Palestinian identity, labeling Palestinians in Hebron as the "Arabs of Eretz Yisrael," for example. This negation of identity falls treacherously into the larger pattern of Palestinian displacement and militarily sanctioned discrimination in Hebron, such as the use of checkpoints, street closures, and a consistent soldier presence. It facilitates misguided settler claims to a historic and religious entitlement to the land, and makes it possible for the tense coexistence, in Hebron, of competing realities: one in which the occupation is real, and restrictive, and a blight to human dignity, and another in which occupation cannot be conceived of, because it would require recognition of the legitimacy of Palestinian identity.
While nonviolent resistance, education, and solidarity from the international community play a key role in stimulating a change in the power balance, the language of occupation still poses an insidious threat to the respect for a thriving Palestinian identity.
One weapon is the simple and sweeping denial of Palestinian identity, labeling Palestinians in Hebron as the "Arabs of Eretz Yisrael," for example. This negation of identity falls treacherously into the larger pattern of Palestinian displacement and militarily sanctioned discrimination in Hebron, such as the use of checkpoints, street closures, and a consistent soldier presence. It facilitates misguided settler claims to a historic and religious entitlement to the land, and makes it possible for the tense coexistence, in Hebron, of competing realities: one in which the occupation is real, and restrictive, and a blight to human dignity, and another in which occupation cannot be conceived of, because it would require recognition of the legitimacy of Palestinian identity.
While nonviolent resistance, education, and solidarity from the international community play a key role in stimulating a change in the power balance, the language of occupation still poses an insidious threat to the respect for a thriving Palestinian identity.
4 aug 2013
Egyptian authorities have canceled a planned visit to Gaza by the Turkish Prime Minister, a popular Egyptian news site said Sunday.
Youm7, or the seventh day, quoted Egyptian diplomatic sources as saying that Tayyip Erdogan's visit to the Gaza Strip had been canceled following the military ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Mursi and subsequent change in government.
The Gaza trip was also canceled because of Erdogan's support for the Muslim Brotherhood, Youm7 reported.
A senior official in the ruling Hamas movement said in June that Erdogan was due to visit the coastal territory in July, but the Turkish leader's press secretary had stressed that the date was still undecided.
The Turkish leader has previously said his visit to Gaza would be aimed at pushing for an end to Israel's blockade on the tiny coastal territory which has been in place since 2006.
Egypt's state prosecutor said last week that ousted President Mohamed Mursi was detained for questioning over suspected collaboration with Hamas in attacks on police stations and prison breaks in early 2011.
Hamas condemned the move, saying it was "based on the premise that the Hamas movement is hostile," spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri told AFP in response.
"This is a dangerous development, which confirms that the current powers in Egypt are giving up on national causes and even using these issues to deal with other parties -- first among them the Palestinian cause."
Youm7, or the seventh day, quoted Egyptian diplomatic sources as saying that Tayyip Erdogan's visit to the Gaza Strip had been canceled following the military ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Mursi and subsequent change in government.
The Gaza trip was also canceled because of Erdogan's support for the Muslim Brotherhood, Youm7 reported.
A senior official in the ruling Hamas movement said in June that Erdogan was due to visit the coastal territory in July, but the Turkish leader's press secretary had stressed that the date was still undecided.
The Turkish leader has previously said his visit to Gaza would be aimed at pushing for an end to Israel's blockade on the tiny coastal territory which has been in place since 2006.
Egypt's state prosecutor said last week that ousted President Mohamed Mursi was detained for questioning over suspected collaboration with Hamas in attacks on police stations and prison breaks in early 2011.
Hamas condemned the move, saying it was "based on the premise that the Hamas movement is hostile," spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri told AFP in response.
"This is a dangerous development, which confirms that the current powers in Egypt are giving up on national causes and even using these issues to deal with other parties -- first among them the Palestinian cause."
Omar Shaban, specialist in economic affairs, warned of the continuation of the closure and demolition of tunnels that supplies the besieged Gaza Strip with basic necessities of life, by Egyptian authorities. Shaaban urged the Palestinian government to form a "crisis cell" of at least 80 people representative of the Palestinian political spectrum and international institutions to overcome this crisis.
This came during a workshop held by the General Administration of sectorial coordination of the Ministry of Planning, in the presence of Minister of Planning Dr Ala Rafati Din, a number of human rights activists, ministers, MPs and leaders of the private sector and institutions.
For his part, Dr. Adnan Abu Amer talked about Gaza's relationship with Israel in light of the coup in Egypt, pointing out that the Israeli state has welcomed the coup.
Abu Amer expected that the occupation would wage a new aggression on the Gaza Strip taking advantage of the world's preoccupation with the Egyptian file.
The attendees also condemned the campaign against the Gaza Strip launched by the Egyptian media with the participation of the some media in the West Bank.
This came during a workshop held by the General Administration of sectorial coordination of the Ministry of Planning, in the presence of Minister of Planning Dr Ala Rafati Din, a number of human rights activists, ministers, MPs and leaders of the private sector and institutions.
For his part, Dr. Adnan Abu Amer talked about Gaza's relationship with Israel in light of the coup in Egypt, pointing out that the Israeli state has welcomed the coup.
Abu Amer expected that the occupation would wage a new aggression on the Gaza Strip taking advantage of the world's preoccupation with the Egyptian file.
The attendees also condemned the campaign against the Gaza Strip launched by the Egyptian media with the participation of the some media in the West Bank.
A Palestinian researcher and activist in London said that the Palestinian resistance represents the Ummah’s spearhead in confronting Israeli occupation on the land of Palestine. Majed Al-Zeer, head of the Palestinian Return Centre in London, stressed on his Facebook page that the Palestinian resistance represents "the first line of defense, which defends all Arab and Islamic countries, mainly the neighboring countries including Egypt. It is an integral part of the defense of the Egyptian national security."
Zeer's comments come after the easing of the media campaign launched by some Egyptian media against the resistance and the Gaza Strip, after Hamas revealed a number of documents that confirm the involvement of leaders of PA and Fatah movement in the campaign of incitement against Gaza.
Zeer's comments come after the easing of the media campaign launched by some Egyptian media against the resistance and the Gaza Strip, after Hamas revealed a number of documents that confirm the involvement of leaders of PA and Fatah movement in the campaign of incitement against Gaza.
Hamas spokesman Samir Abu Zuhri said the latest remarks made by senior member of the Egyptian movement Tamarud, Mahmoud Al-Arabi, proved that Hamas does not interfere in Egyptian's internal affairs. Arabi stated on Thursday during a massive rally outside Ibrahim mosque in Alexandria that director of the investigation bureau Naser Al-Abed in the city prepared a gang of thugs, provided them with Al-Qassam Brigades uniforms and distributed pictures of them as Hamas resistance fighters.
Spokesman Abu Zuhri said, in a press release, that Arabi's remarks cleared Hamas of its alleged involvement in events in Egypt.
He called on the Egyptian authorities to investigate this incident, take legal action in this regard and end the systematic incitement campaign against Hamas.
Spokesman Abu Zuhri said, in a press release, that Arabi's remarks cleared Hamas of its alleged involvement in events in Egypt.
He called on the Egyptian authorities to investigate this incident, take legal action in this regard and end the systematic incitement campaign against Hamas.
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Thousands Of Palestinians Welcome Barca
[Saturday Evening August 3, 2013] Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas, welcomed at his Presidential Headquarters in the West Bank City of Bethlehem, the players and coach of Barcelona soccer team, who are conducting their first visit to occupied Palestine. “This is your first visit to Palestine, but you are always in Palestine, in our homes, our people love you and watch your games”, Abbas said, “You visited the Church of Nativity, and I hope you enjoyed your time in the land of prophets, especially Jesus Christ”. |
“We know you carry another message besides sports, you carry a message of peace”, the President said, “We are holding direct peace talks, and we know you also want peace and stability”.
Abbas also told the Barcelona athletes that next time they visit Palestine; they will visit it to celebrate comprehensive peace.
Head of Barcelona club president, Sandro Rossell, stated that the team’s visit to Bethlehem is very important, as the city is the birthplace of Jesus Christ, and represents peace on earth.
Rossell thanked the Palestinian People, and President Abbas, for the warm welcome and added that the team is honored by this visit, and honored by being personally welcomed by President Abbas.
“The timing of this visit is essential, it comes with the beginning of direct peace talks in Washington”, he said, “We hope peace will be achieved, we wish all the children we saw in Bethlehem, and everywhere, will live in peace, because they have hope for the future, if by being in the country Barcelona can help achieve peace, we will always be there”.
It is worth mentioning that various officials, religious leaders, figures representing local NGOs, Palestinian Sports Minister, Jibreel Rajoub, and Palestinian Arab Idol, Mohammad Assaf, also welcome Barca team in Bethlehem.
Rajoub, also the head of the Palestinian Soccer Union, and Rossel, stated that this visit is historical and very important to the Palestinian people, adding that this step is a positive step towards comprehensive peace in the region.
During a press conference with Rossel, Rajoub said that Barca is conducting a “tour of peace, a positive step towards peace in the region”, and added that “one day, all teams, all nations in the region, will play together once the Palestinian State has been established.
Barcelona team also visited the new stadium in the town of Doura, near the southern West Bank city of Hebron, and was welcomed by more than 25.0000 Palestinian fans, many of them wearing Barcelona shirts.
Members of the team also held an hour-long clinic with more than 40 young Palestinian girls and boys, Yahoo Sports has reported.
Abbas also told the Barcelona athletes that next time they visit Palestine; they will visit it to celebrate comprehensive peace.
Head of Barcelona club president, Sandro Rossell, stated that the team’s visit to Bethlehem is very important, as the city is the birthplace of Jesus Christ, and represents peace on earth.
Rossell thanked the Palestinian People, and President Abbas, for the warm welcome and added that the team is honored by this visit, and honored by being personally welcomed by President Abbas.
“The timing of this visit is essential, it comes with the beginning of direct peace talks in Washington”, he said, “We hope peace will be achieved, we wish all the children we saw in Bethlehem, and everywhere, will live in peace, because they have hope for the future, if by being in the country Barcelona can help achieve peace, we will always be there”.
It is worth mentioning that various officials, religious leaders, figures representing local NGOs, Palestinian Sports Minister, Jibreel Rajoub, and Palestinian Arab Idol, Mohammad Assaf, also welcome Barca team in Bethlehem.
Rajoub, also the head of the Palestinian Soccer Union, and Rossel, stated that this visit is historical and very important to the Palestinian people, adding that this step is a positive step towards comprehensive peace in the region.
During a press conference with Rossel, Rajoub said that Barca is conducting a “tour of peace, a positive step towards peace in the region”, and added that “one day, all teams, all nations in the region, will play together once the Palestinian State has been established.
Barcelona team also visited the new stadium in the town of Doura, near the southern West Bank city of Hebron, and was welcomed by more than 25.0000 Palestinian fans, many of them wearing Barcelona shirts.
Members of the team also held an hour-long clinic with more than 40 young Palestinian girls and boys, Yahoo Sports has reported.
3 aug 2013
Lionel Messi, the world's number one football player, and his Barcelona teammates are expected Saturday afternoon in Palestine in their first visit ever to the area. The Barcelona team is one of the most favored international football clubs in Palestine with loyal fans estimated it the tens of thousands.
The Palestinian dailies dedicated several pages in their Saturday issue to talk about this highly important event, the Catalonian club and its “Peace Tour” in the region, which would also take it to Israel after concluding its Palestine visit.
But while in Palestine, the Palestinian fans are going to enjoy one of the most important moments in their lives: watch the Barcelona team on one of their football fields.
The team is expected to arrive in Bethlehem at 5:00 in the afternoon. It will first visit the historic Church of Nativity, the birthplace of Jesus Christ, before meeting with President Mahmoud Abbas at his Bethlehem headquarters.
It will then go to the Dura football stadium in the Hebron area where its fans are going to be waiting to see the players live in the field.The team is going to do some workout with around 30 Palestinian children, but no real game is scheduled, which for many was a letdown because they will not be able to watch the masters in action. But before the team arrives at the stadium, Arab Idol winner Muhammad Assaf will entertain the crowds with some of songs they have heard him sing during the Arab Idol contest.
The Palestinian dailies dedicated several pages in their Saturday issue to talk about this highly important event, the Catalonian club and its “Peace Tour” in the region, which would also take it to Israel after concluding its Palestine visit.
But while in Palestine, the Palestinian fans are going to enjoy one of the most important moments in their lives: watch the Barcelona team on one of their football fields.
The team is expected to arrive in Bethlehem at 5:00 in the afternoon. It will first visit the historic Church of Nativity, the birthplace of Jesus Christ, before meeting with President Mahmoud Abbas at his Bethlehem headquarters.
It will then go to the Dura football stadium in the Hebron area where its fans are going to be waiting to see the players live in the field.The team is going to do some workout with around 30 Palestinian children, but no real game is scheduled, which for many was a letdown because they will not be able to watch the masters in action. But before the team arrives at the stadium, Arab Idol winner Muhammad Assaf will entertain the crowds with some of songs they have heard him sing during the Arab Idol contest.
2 aug 2013
The Lady from Tel Aviv by Raba’i al-Madhoun is an oddly misnamed novel. The title comes from a section of the book in which the protagonist, writer Walid Dahman, meets a young Israeli woman on a plane flying from London to Israel.
Walid is returning to visit his family in Gaza after an absence of 38 years. The “lady” — Dana — is an Israeli actress who is heading home, having failed to convince her Ukrainian-Jewish boyfriend to take Israeli citizenship and live with her. But despite the apparent centrality of this episode to the novel’s identity, it is in some ways the least engaging and interesting part of the book. Much more affecting and convincing, in many ways, is the overall narrative, of which this airborne encounter is just a brief part. For it slots into a longer story, that of Walid the exile who has led the archetypal life of a diaspora Palestinian, moving from country to country and job to job, surviving on his wits and contacts.
Walid’s tale is itself moving. Growing up in a busy extended family in Gaza, he finds himself unable to return from his studies in Egypt and adopts a footloose lifestyle, ending up as a journalist for a London-based Arabic newspaper.
On receiving a British passport, he decides to try and visit his elderly mother for the first time in decades, in the tense, fragile circumstances of 2004 or 2005 — after the second intifada but before the August 2005 withdrawal of Israeli settlers from Gaza.
Verve The novel uses the account of this return journey as a framing device for his life story, told with a perceptive wit and verve which raises the novel well above the average mock-biographical narrative.
Some of this difference comes from Raba’i al-Madhoun’s writing style, peppered with vivid metaphors and descriptions. Walid’s mother “murmurs her disappointments to herself while folding them in the wrinkles and creases of her bedclothes.” Israel “purchased Gazan lives by the year and in bulk. It bought bronzed Gazan forearms” for its factories and construction sites.
An Israeli officer begins to “build settlements in [Walid’s] mind,” while the distantly-remembered manager of a cinema in Khan Younis sits with his “watermelon body” to make sure no boys sneak into risqué Egyptian films.
The second aspect of al-Madhoun’s style which sets The Lady from Tel Aviv apart is its structure. Adopting a popularized version of the convolutions and inwardly-folding storylines which are perhaps best known in the works of renowned Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury — such as Gate of the Sun or As Though She Were Sleeping — al-Madhoun’s novel has a complexity which simultaneously gives it a sense of mystery and an air of reality.
At the launch event in London during July, al-Madhoun talked about his own life story, which in many respects parallels that of his creation, Walid Dahman. But in the book Walid is also writing a novel based on the story of a man he encountered briefly in the past, the would-be lover of one of Walid’s cousins, Adel, who then appears in the flesh. In a kind of spiraling and overlapping of form, the reader becomes slightly lost in which layer of identity and reality Walid is occupying at any one moment.
Indeed, Walid’s voice asks at one point, “what do you hope for from authenticity when the character departs from the text and begins to get mixed up with the real Adel?” The uncertainty of plot mirrors other uncertainties — Walid’s own doubts about his identity and his attitude towards “return,” the wider political uncertainty under which Walid’s family and their neighbors in Gaza go about their daily lives.
Haunting Al-Madhoun’s bitter wit and scathing remarks also help to provide some wry laughs and ensure that the novel is in no danger of touting for any one political position. Palestinian leaders are compared to the puffed-up cockerels crowing in Jabaliya refugee camp, while a cousin of Walid’s who has become a sheikh and speaks in classical Arabic to give himself gravitas is mercilessly mocked in a virtuoso piece of translation by Elliott Colla.
Even an attempted suicide bombing at Erez, which separates Gaza from present-day Israel, is written off as mistaken identity — four tomatoes in a suitcase — by Palestinians stuck at the crossing. “I can’t help thinking those tomato bombs would have been perfect with okra,” jibes one man.
But intertwined with the humor are some haunting evocations of the protagonist’s (and author’s) experience as a refugee. Returning to Palestine after nearly forty years, Walid suddenly finds himself questioning his return as he walks through Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv. “What land will you kiss when you walk out of the airport, Walid? Will you kiss the soil even if it isn’t as red as the henna on a peasant girl’s hands?”
Visceral Madhoun’s depiction of the loving, claustrophobic, violent, beautiful, steadfast, endangered place that is Gaza is enthralling. There is a visceral veracity to the cramped juxtaposition of Walid hearing about the martyrdom in the second intifada of 14 relatives with his recollections of moments of forbidden lust.
Mocking anecdotes about the Palestinian Authority refusing to sell Gaza sewage — “the PA considers excrement a non-negotiable part of national sovereignty, and would never compromise on the issue without a general referendum” — accompany the tender, painful process of re-learning relationships with old friends and relatives.
So, while The Lady from Tel Aviv is perhaps not the novel one might expect from the title or the blurb, it is an elegantly-written, intriguing, moving book. It is a surprisingly easy and enjoyable read, given the subject matter, but is also a valuable addition to the literature tackling themes such as Palestinian exile, occupation and homecoming.
Whether one is looking for a striking piece of summer reading or a thought-provoking exploration of the Palestinian situation, this novel is a good place to start.
Sarah Irving is a freelance writer. She worked with the International Solidarity Movement in the occupied West Bank in 2001-02 and with Olive Co-op, promoting fair trade Palestinian products and solidarity visits, in 2004-06. She is the author of a biography of Leila Khaled and of the Bradt Guide to Palestine and co-author, with Sharyn Lock, of Gaza: Beneath the Bombs.
Walid is returning to visit his family in Gaza after an absence of 38 years. The “lady” — Dana — is an Israeli actress who is heading home, having failed to convince her Ukrainian-Jewish boyfriend to take Israeli citizenship and live with her. But despite the apparent centrality of this episode to the novel’s identity, it is in some ways the least engaging and interesting part of the book. Much more affecting and convincing, in many ways, is the overall narrative, of which this airborne encounter is just a brief part. For it slots into a longer story, that of Walid the exile who has led the archetypal life of a diaspora Palestinian, moving from country to country and job to job, surviving on his wits and contacts.
Walid’s tale is itself moving. Growing up in a busy extended family in Gaza, he finds himself unable to return from his studies in Egypt and adopts a footloose lifestyle, ending up as a journalist for a London-based Arabic newspaper.
On receiving a British passport, he decides to try and visit his elderly mother for the first time in decades, in the tense, fragile circumstances of 2004 or 2005 — after the second intifada but before the August 2005 withdrawal of Israeli settlers from Gaza.
Verve The novel uses the account of this return journey as a framing device for his life story, told with a perceptive wit and verve which raises the novel well above the average mock-biographical narrative.
Some of this difference comes from Raba’i al-Madhoun’s writing style, peppered with vivid metaphors and descriptions. Walid’s mother “murmurs her disappointments to herself while folding them in the wrinkles and creases of her bedclothes.” Israel “purchased Gazan lives by the year and in bulk. It bought bronzed Gazan forearms” for its factories and construction sites.
An Israeli officer begins to “build settlements in [Walid’s] mind,” while the distantly-remembered manager of a cinema in Khan Younis sits with his “watermelon body” to make sure no boys sneak into risqué Egyptian films.
The second aspect of al-Madhoun’s style which sets The Lady from Tel Aviv apart is its structure. Adopting a popularized version of the convolutions and inwardly-folding storylines which are perhaps best known in the works of renowned Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury — such as Gate of the Sun or As Though She Were Sleeping — al-Madhoun’s novel has a complexity which simultaneously gives it a sense of mystery and an air of reality.
At the launch event in London during July, al-Madhoun talked about his own life story, which in many respects parallels that of his creation, Walid Dahman. But in the book Walid is also writing a novel based on the story of a man he encountered briefly in the past, the would-be lover of one of Walid’s cousins, Adel, who then appears in the flesh. In a kind of spiraling and overlapping of form, the reader becomes slightly lost in which layer of identity and reality Walid is occupying at any one moment.
Indeed, Walid’s voice asks at one point, “what do you hope for from authenticity when the character departs from the text and begins to get mixed up with the real Adel?” The uncertainty of plot mirrors other uncertainties — Walid’s own doubts about his identity and his attitude towards “return,” the wider political uncertainty under which Walid’s family and their neighbors in Gaza go about their daily lives.
Haunting Al-Madhoun’s bitter wit and scathing remarks also help to provide some wry laughs and ensure that the novel is in no danger of touting for any one political position. Palestinian leaders are compared to the puffed-up cockerels crowing in Jabaliya refugee camp, while a cousin of Walid’s who has become a sheikh and speaks in classical Arabic to give himself gravitas is mercilessly mocked in a virtuoso piece of translation by Elliott Colla.
Even an attempted suicide bombing at Erez, which separates Gaza from present-day Israel, is written off as mistaken identity — four tomatoes in a suitcase — by Palestinians stuck at the crossing. “I can’t help thinking those tomato bombs would have been perfect with okra,” jibes one man.
But intertwined with the humor are some haunting evocations of the protagonist’s (and author’s) experience as a refugee. Returning to Palestine after nearly forty years, Walid suddenly finds himself questioning his return as he walks through Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv. “What land will you kiss when you walk out of the airport, Walid? Will you kiss the soil even if it isn’t as red as the henna on a peasant girl’s hands?”
Visceral Madhoun’s depiction of the loving, claustrophobic, violent, beautiful, steadfast, endangered place that is Gaza is enthralling. There is a visceral veracity to the cramped juxtaposition of Walid hearing about the martyrdom in the second intifada of 14 relatives with his recollections of moments of forbidden lust.
Mocking anecdotes about the Palestinian Authority refusing to sell Gaza sewage — “the PA considers excrement a non-negotiable part of national sovereignty, and would never compromise on the issue without a general referendum” — accompany the tender, painful process of re-learning relationships with old friends and relatives.
So, while The Lady from Tel Aviv is perhaps not the novel one might expect from the title or the blurb, it is an elegantly-written, intriguing, moving book. It is a surprisingly easy and enjoyable read, given the subject matter, but is also a valuable addition to the literature tackling themes such as Palestinian exile, occupation and homecoming.
Whether one is looking for a striking piece of summer reading or a thought-provoking exploration of the Palestinian situation, this novel is a good place to start.
Sarah Irving is a freelance writer. She worked with the International Solidarity Movement in the occupied West Bank in 2001-02 and with Olive Co-op, promoting fair trade Palestinian products and solidarity visits, in 2004-06. She is the author of a biography of Leila Khaled and of the Bradt Guide to Palestine and co-author, with Sharyn Lock, of Gaza: Beneath the Bombs.
By Khalid Amayreh
The documents which seemed fairly bona fide and underwent no doctoring whatsoever, showed that Fatah's intelligence elements transferred deliberately concocted intelligence information, alleging that Hamas was smuggling weapons and bombs into Egypt for the purpose of destabilizing the country and undermining its security.
Earlier, Fatah disseminated false information claiming that Hamas was involved in terrorist attacks carried out by al-Qaeda gunmen against Egyptian police targets in the Sinai Peninsula. Hamas argues seemingly sincerely it has no interest whatsoever in undermining relations with Egypt. With the more or less hermetic Israeli siege, Egypt serves as the Gaza Strip's only "lung" to the outside world.
Fatah also pumped out disinformation to the notoriously mendacious Egyptian media claiming that the deposed democratically-elected President, Dr. Muhammed Mursi, had been negotiating with Hamas the establishment of an Islamist Emirate in Sinai.
These and similar obscene lies were readily received by the vehemently anti-Islamist media in Egypt, especially those funded by Coptic Tycoon Najib Swaris and Arabian Intelligence agencies.
Even Egyptian state-run media outlets, such as Sawt el-Arab (the Voice of the Arabs and Al-Ahram newspaper) parroted these brash lies without patting an eyelash. Which really shows the low level that most Egyptian media outlets have stooped to especially in the past few months.
There is no doubt that Fatah, or certain elements within the Palestinian national secular movement, is rabidly interested in tarnishing the image of Hamas, its political and ideological archrival, by hook or by crook. Fatah, especially since Hamas wrested control over the Gaza Strip following democratic elections in 2006, has been trying rather rabidly to demonize and vilify Hamas, often using virulent canards and black lies.
Unfortunately, some of this black propaganda, was further disseminated by Israeli and Western media without any modicum of ascertainment. For example, it was repeatedly claimed in 2007-8 that Hamas militiamen were throwing opponents off the rooftops of multi-story buildings in Gaza. Fortunately, this big lie was eventually refuted and debunked, but not after it inflected the intended damage. (By the way the pornographically mendacious Egyptian media has been indulging in similar lies about the Muslim Brothers and President Mursi supporters).
Reacting to Hamas's latest revelations, Fatah and Palestinian Authority denied that they were involved in this treasonous disgrace, claiming that Hamas was lying and trying to vilify Fatah.
However, Fatah's defensive reflexes seemed to conceal a certain proclivity to incite the undemocratic military authorities in Cairo against Palestinian Islamists.
Eventually, this propensity evolved into vociferous street demonstrations by Fatah supporters in solidarity with Egypt’s bloody coup.
To Fatah's chagrin, the anti-Hamas incitement swiftly morphed into a rabid and sweeping anti-Palestinian hysteria as Egyptian media outlets began calling for murdering Palestinians in Egypt. One typical TV commentator remarked that "Palestinians are our enemies and ought to be killed in the streets like stray dogs." His virulent remarks, many pundits say, represented the norm not the exception.
Fatah's embassy in Cairo reportedly said it was willing to launch an investigation into the charges. This should be a positive step, at least ostensibly. However, the PA office in the Egyptian capital can't really launch a real, credible inquiry into the latest scam since intelligence officers at the embassy are not answerable to the ambassador but report directly to the Ramallah, often without the knowledge of the embassy's officials.
The anti-Palestinian incitement permeating through the Egyptian media is undoubtedly a disgraceful behavior, marking the nadir of that media. But what can we expect from a media apparatus that lies as often as it breathes? By the way, this sorry state of affair didn't start yesterday or the day before. The bulk of the Egyptian media has always been notoriously, even pornographically mendacious.
Just remember Ahmed Said who told us on the fifth of June, 1967, that the Egyptian army was overrunning Tel Aviv and that Israeli warplanes were falling down like flies!!! We know the rest of the story.
It is imperative that the government in Ramallah carry out a credible investigation into this affair. This is extremely important in order to allow our people to know the truth.
We certainly don't want to build a Palestinian state on a foundation of lies. In all countries that respect themselves, Civil servants and public figures who are proven to have committed a perjury are punished and made to bear an indelible stigma for the rest of lives. This also should be the case in occupied Palestine, otherwise our contemplated state would be just another failed state.
Lying is probably the next most hideous crime after murder. Nearly all crimes, including treason, corruption, etc, begin with lying. This is why the Prophet Muhammed ( S) stressed that a Muslim can't be a liar since faith and lying can not coexist in a believer's heart.
Had Egypt and other Arab countries punished liars from the very inception of their modern independence, they wouldn't have reached the sorry state of affair they are now facing.
In 1952, when King Farouk was deposed, Egypt was at the same socio-economic level of countries such as South Korea and China .
Now, South Korea and India are economic superpowers while Egypt is effectively a failed state, begging handouts from everywhere.
The reason is clear, the Egyptian political establishment, ever since Gamal Abdul Nasser, adopted lying and falsification of facts as its modus operandi. Eventually, this impotent and incompetent establishment enabled a little army general, who can hardly read a correct Arabic sentence to overthrow a democratically-elected President who has a Ph.D. in Engineering from the University of Southern California.
Hence, one is prompted to ask the following question: Should we Palestinians follow the example of Egypt or South Korea. I think the answer very much depends on our willingness to tolerate lies and lying…because lying corrodes societies and prevents progress and development.
The documents which seemed fairly bona fide and underwent no doctoring whatsoever, showed that Fatah's intelligence elements transferred deliberately concocted intelligence information, alleging that Hamas was smuggling weapons and bombs into Egypt for the purpose of destabilizing the country and undermining its security.
Earlier, Fatah disseminated false information claiming that Hamas was involved in terrorist attacks carried out by al-Qaeda gunmen against Egyptian police targets in the Sinai Peninsula. Hamas argues seemingly sincerely it has no interest whatsoever in undermining relations with Egypt. With the more or less hermetic Israeli siege, Egypt serves as the Gaza Strip's only "lung" to the outside world.
Fatah also pumped out disinformation to the notoriously mendacious Egyptian media claiming that the deposed democratically-elected President, Dr. Muhammed Mursi, had been negotiating with Hamas the establishment of an Islamist Emirate in Sinai.
These and similar obscene lies were readily received by the vehemently anti-Islamist media in Egypt, especially those funded by Coptic Tycoon Najib Swaris and Arabian Intelligence agencies.
Even Egyptian state-run media outlets, such as Sawt el-Arab (the Voice of the Arabs and Al-Ahram newspaper) parroted these brash lies without patting an eyelash. Which really shows the low level that most Egyptian media outlets have stooped to especially in the past few months.
There is no doubt that Fatah, or certain elements within the Palestinian national secular movement, is rabidly interested in tarnishing the image of Hamas, its political and ideological archrival, by hook or by crook. Fatah, especially since Hamas wrested control over the Gaza Strip following democratic elections in 2006, has been trying rather rabidly to demonize and vilify Hamas, often using virulent canards and black lies.
Unfortunately, some of this black propaganda, was further disseminated by Israeli and Western media without any modicum of ascertainment. For example, it was repeatedly claimed in 2007-8 that Hamas militiamen were throwing opponents off the rooftops of multi-story buildings in Gaza. Fortunately, this big lie was eventually refuted and debunked, but not after it inflected the intended damage. (By the way the pornographically mendacious Egyptian media has been indulging in similar lies about the Muslim Brothers and President Mursi supporters).
Reacting to Hamas's latest revelations, Fatah and Palestinian Authority denied that they were involved in this treasonous disgrace, claiming that Hamas was lying and trying to vilify Fatah.
However, Fatah's defensive reflexes seemed to conceal a certain proclivity to incite the undemocratic military authorities in Cairo against Palestinian Islamists.
Eventually, this propensity evolved into vociferous street demonstrations by Fatah supporters in solidarity with Egypt’s bloody coup.
To Fatah's chagrin, the anti-Hamas incitement swiftly morphed into a rabid and sweeping anti-Palestinian hysteria as Egyptian media outlets began calling for murdering Palestinians in Egypt. One typical TV commentator remarked that "Palestinians are our enemies and ought to be killed in the streets like stray dogs." His virulent remarks, many pundits say, represented the norm not the exception.
Fatah's embassy in Cairo reportedly said it was willing to launch an investigation into the charges. This should be a positive step, at least ostensibly. However, the PA office in the Egyptian capital can't really launch a real, credible inquiry into the latest scam since intelligence officers at the embassy are not answerable to the ambassador but report directly to the Ramallah, often without the knowledge of the embassy's officials.
The anti-Palestinian incitement permeating through the Egyptian media is undoubtedly a disgraceful behavior, marking the nadir of that media. But what can we expect from a media apparatus that lies as often as it breathes? By the way, this sorry state of affair didn't start yesterday or the day before. The bulk of the Egyptian media has always been notoriously, even pornographically mendacious.
Just remember Ahmed Said who told us on the fifth of June, 1967, that the Egyptian army was overrunning Tel Aviv and that Israeli warplanes were falling down like flies!!! We know the rest of the story.
It is imperative that the government in Ramallah carry out a credible investigation into this affair. This is extremely important in order to allow our people to know the truth.
We certainly don't want to build a Palestinian state on a foundation of lies. In all countries that respect themselves, Civil servants and public figures who are proven to have committed a perjury are punished and made to bear an indelible stigma for the rest of lives. This also should be the case in occupied Palestine, otherwise our contemplated state would be just another failed state.
Lying is probably the next most hideous crime after murder. Nearly all crimes, including treason, corruption, etc, begin with lying. This is why the Prophet Muhammed ( S) stressed that a Muslim can't be a liar since faith and lying can not coexist in a believer's heart.
Had Egypt and other Arab countries punished liars from the very inception of their modern independence, they wouldn't have reached the sorry state of affair they are now facing.
In 1952, when King Farouk was deposed, Egypt was at the same socio-economic level of countries such as South Korea and China .
Now, South Korea and India are economic superpowers while Egypt is effectively a failed state, begging handouts from everywhere.
The reason is clear, the Egyptian political establishment, ever since Gamal Abdul Nasser, adopted lying and falsification of facts as its modus operandi. Eventually, this impotent and incompetent establishment enabled a little army general, who can hardly read a correct Arabic sentence to overthrow a democratically-elected President who has a Ph.D. in Engineering from the University of Southern California.
Hence, one is prompted to ask the following question: Should we Palestinians follow the example of Egypt or South Korea. I think the answer very much depends on our willingness to tolerate lies and lying…because lying corrodes societies and prevents progress and development.
Egyptian security sources and eyewitnesses said that the Egyptian army captured a man called Sheikh Fathi al-Falastini, in the Safa neighbourhood of the Egyptian Rafah city. He is a PA preventive security officer. Al-Sharq al-Awsat news agency said that officer grew a beard and lived amongst the people in Safa neighbourhood and became known as Sheikh Fathi, an Islamic propagator.
When the army searched his house, they found documents which they described as dangerous, as well as plans for a number of elements and mercenaries in Rafah and Sheikh Zweid. They also found pictures of Safa and Ahrash army camps as well as sums of cash.
The sources said that armed men fired at the army camp, the soldiers exchanged fire with them and arrested a man called Fathi A.K., a Palestinian who lives in Rafah.
About 200 security officers loyal to Muhmmad Dahlan fled the Gaza Strip into the Sinai in 2006 when Hamas took over in the Strip. The PA in Ramallah arranged for their stay with the Egyptian authorities and still pays them their salaries through the Palestinian Embassy in Egypt.
When the army searched his house, they found documents which they described as dangerous, as well as plans for a number of elements and mercenaries in Rafah and Sheikh Zweid. They also found pictures of Safa and Ahrash army camps as well as sums of cash.
The sources said that armed men fired at the army camp, the soldiers exchanged fire with them and arrested a man called Fathi A.K., a Palestinian who lives in Rafah.
About 200 security officers loyal to Muhmmad Dahlan fled the Gaza Strip into the Sinai in 2006 when Hamas took over in the Strip. The PA in Ramallah arranged for their stay with the Egyptian authorities and still pays them their salaries through the Palestinian Embassy in Egypt.
1 aug 2013
by PCHR/Narratives
Fatma's wrinkled face reveals the sorrow of a mother who has not seen her daughter for eleven years. Fatma Khalil Mubarak (78) lives in Rafah, in the south of the Gaza Strip. Her daughter, Lamees Ahmad Mubarak (44), has been living in Hebron in the West Bank since she got married in 1988. The last time Fatma saw her daughter was in 2002. Since then, Lamees has been trying to visit her family in Gaza, but she has been denied access every time she applied for a visitor permit to travel via Beit Hanoun ("Erez") crossing. Beit Hanoun crossing is the only access point for people from Gaza to travel to the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and/or Israel.
Fatma explains: "My daughter Lamees went to Hebron with her husband when she got married in the '80s. She used to visit me frequently, and I used to visit her as my health condition was much better and crossing to the West Bank was much easier. However, since the Second Intifada, we haven't seen much of her. The last time she came was in 2002, but she has never been able to come back again since."
Several attempts have been made by both Lamees and her family to reunite since 2002; however, Lamees' applications for a visitor permit to the Gaza Strip have always been met with refusal. "This year, we have applied twice so far, but in vain. The permit was refused again. We have not given up yet. I will keep applying for a permit to see my daughter until the day I die."
Fatma's urge to see her daughter gets stronger every day, especially due to her deteriorating medical condition as she suffers from heart disease and hepatitis. "I do not know why I'm deprived of seeing my daughter," she adds. "She is my daughter and she only wants to come and visit me as I am very ill. Why is she always refused entry? She is not a threat to their security. She only wants to come so I can see her."
"We have tried everything. The last time we applied, we attached a copy of my medical report certified by the doctors to attest to how poor my condition is, but even that did not work. The Israeli authorities refused to give her a permit again. We all thought that it would work and that she would finally manage to come."
"The last time I went to visit Lamees in Hebron was seventeen years ago. Since I became very ill, it is hard for me to travel on my own. I do not even leave this house. I know that I might get a permit if I applied for one, due to my age and my medical condition, but what would I do with a permit when I cannot move and cannot go anywhere alone? My health condition does not allow me to. What if I died on the way? The Israeli authorities won't allow my children to accompany me to the West Bank."
Israel imposes a policy of territorial fragmentation on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The separation of the territories has had grave consequences on the fabric of society. It has influenced every aspect of the social life of Palestinian people. Fatma explains how the Israeli closure of the Gaza Strip has further prevented her and her family from fulfilling her role as a mother and a grandmother. "Lamees got very sick recently. I could not go to visit her or look after her. None of her family could either. She is there on her own. Her father became very ill before he died in 2008. He wanted to see her, so we applied for a visitor permit, but the permit was refused. He died without seeing her, and she could not attend his funeral. Now, I have seven grandchildren whom I do not know. Two of my granddaughters got married, and I could not attend either of their weddings."
The separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank has made the simplest family occasions very difficult. According to Fatma, Lamees was hoping to attend the wedding of her nephew in Gaza, which was planned for after Ramadan, in order to celebrate the happy occasion with her family. "We were getting ready to receive her at the wedding and we were expecting her. We were disappointed to hear that her permit had been refused again. No matter how many times she is denied permission to come, I am always hopeful that she will get the permit the next time and that I will see my daughter again. I cannot get used to the refusals. I will keep asking for permits again and again."
Fatma recalls the days when Israeli restrictions on the movement of individual civilians via Beit Hanoun crossing were less strict: "In the past, when I applied for a permit, I would get it the next day. I would take a taxi from Gaza City to Hebron. We used to leave for Hebron in the morning and arrive before noon. It was only about an hour's drive. Nowadays, it's easier for me to see my daughter who lives in Norway than see my daughter who lives an hour away."
Palestinians in the Gaza Strip remain denied of their right to freedom of movement, and suffer greatly due to the restraints imposed upon travel via Beit Hanoun crossing. The restrictions were first imposed in 1994 and have become increasingly strict since the al-Aqsa Intifada. Eventually, the crossing was completely closed on 16 February 2006. Since then, Palestinians have been prevented from travelling via the crossing unless they fall under certain specific categories.
As a result, civilians in the Gaza Strip have been denied access to holy places in Jerusalem and Bethlehem to perform religious rituals. Students have been prevented from travelling to attend universities in the West Bank. Families are prevented from visiting their relatives in the West Bank and vice versa. Since the Hamas takeover in June 2007, the Israeli authorities have only permitted limited categories of individuals to travel via the crossing: patients in a critical state; international journalists; employees of international organisations;. These groups are allowed to travel via the crossing under limited circumstances, via complicated procedures, and are often subjected to degrading treatment.
The closure of the Gaza Strip, which Israel has imposed for six consecutive years, constitutes a form of collective punishment, in violation of international humanitarian law. As a consequence of the continued closure, travelling between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank has been rendered virtually impossible for Palestinians, and entire families are now separated. The forced separation of families is in violation, inter alia, of Article 16 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 23 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which obliges States to protect the right to marry and found a family.
Fatma's wrinkled face reveals the sorrow of a mother who has not seen her daughter for eleven years. Fatma Khalil Mubarak (78) lives in Rafah, in the south of the Gaza Strip. Her daughter, Lamees Ahmad Mubarak (44), has been living in Hebron in the West Bank since she got married in 1988. The last time Fatma saw her daughter was in 2002. Since then, Lamees has been trying to visit her family in Gaza, but she has been denied access every time she applied for a visitor permit to travel via Beit Hanoun ("Erez") crossing. Beit Hanoun crossing is the only access point for people from Gaza to travel to the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and/or Israel.
Fatma explains: "My daughter Lamees went to Hebron with her husband when she got married in the '80s. She used to visit me frequently, and I used to visit her as my health condition was much better and crossing to the West Bank was much easier. However, since the Second Intifada, we haven't seen much of her. The last time she came was in 2002, but she has never been able to come back again since."
Several attempts have been made by both Lamees and her family to reunite since 2002; however, Lamees' applications for a visitor permit to the Gaza Strip have always been met with refusal. "This year, we have applied twice so far, but in vain. The permit was refused again. We have not given up yet. I will keep applying for a permit to see my daughter until the day I die."
Fatma's urge to see her daughter gets stronger every day, especially due to her deteriorating medical condition as she suffers from heart disease and hepatitis. "I do not know why I'm deprived of seeing my daughter," she adds. "She is my daughter and she only wants to come and visit me as I am very ill. Why is she always refused entry? She is not a threat to their security. She only wants to come so I can see her."
"We have tried everything. The last time we applied, we attached a copy of my medical report certified by the doctors to attest to how poor my condition is, but even that did not work. The Israeli authorities refused to give her a permit again. We all thought that it would work and that she would finally manage to come."
"The last time I went to visit Lamees in Hebron was seventeen years ago. Since I became very ill, it is hard for me to travel on my own. I do not even leave this house. I know that I might get a permit if I applied for one, due to my age and my medical condition, but what would I do with a permit when I cannot move and cannot go anywhere alone? My health condition does not allow me to. What if I died on the way? The Israeli authorities won't allow my children to accompany me to the West Bank."
Israel imposes a policy of territorial fragmentation on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The separation of the territories has had grave consequences on the fabric of society. It has influenced every aspect of the social life of Palestinian people. Fatma explains how the Israeli closure of the Gaza Strip has further prevented her and her family from fulfilling her role as a mother and a grandmother. "Lamees got very sick recently. I could not go to visit her or look after her. None of her family could either. She is there on her own. Her father became very ill before he died in 2008. He wanted to see her, so we applied for a visitor permit, but the permit was refused. He died without seeing her, and she could not attend his funeral. Now, I have seven grandchildren whom I do not know. Two of my granddaughters got married, and I could not attend either of their weddings."
The separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank has made the simplest family occasions very difficult. According to Fatma, Lamees was hoping to attend the wedding of her nephew in Gaza, which was planned for after Ramadan, in order to celebrate the happy occasion with her family. "We were getting ready to receive her at the wedding and we were expecting her. We were disappointed to hear that her permit had been refused again. No matter how many times she is denied permission to come, I am always hopeful that she will get the permit the next time and that I will see my daughter again. I cannot get used to the refusals. I will keep asking for permits again and again."
Fatma recalls the days when Israeli restrictions on the movement of individual civilians via Beit Hanoun crossing were less strict: "In the past, when I applied for a permit, I would get it the next day. I would take a taxi from Gaza City to Hebron. We used to leave for Hebron in the morning and arrive before noon. It was only about an hour's drive. Nowadays, it's easier for me to see my daughter who lives in Norway than see my daughter who lives an hour away."
Palestinians in the Gaza Strip remain denied of their right to freedom of movement, and suffer greatly due to the restraints imposed upon travel via Beit Hanoun crossing. The restrictions were first imposed in 1994 and have become increasingly strict since the al-Aqsa Intifada. Eventually, the crossing was completely closed on 16 February 2006. Since then, Palestinians have been prevented from travelling via the crossing unless they fall under certain specific categories.
As a result, civilians in the Gaza Strip have been denied access to holy places in Jerusalem and Bethlehem to perform religious rituals. Students have been prevented from travelling to attend universities in the West Bank. Families are prevented from visiting their relatives in the West Bank and vice versa. Since the Hamas takeover in June 2007, the Israeli authorities have only permitted limited categories of individuals to travel via the crossing: patients in a critical state; international journalists; employees of international organisations;. These groups are allowed to travel via the crossing under limited circumstances, via complicated procedures, and are often subjected to degrading treatment.
The closure of the Gaza Strip, which Israel has imposed for six consecutive years, constitutes a form of collective punishment, in violation of international humanitarian law. As a consequence of the continued closure, travelling between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank has been rendered virtually impossible for Palestinians, and entire families are now separated. The forced separation of families is in violation, inter alia, of Article 16 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 23 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which obliges States to protect the right to marry and found a family.
Dr. Salam Fayyad, Former Prime Minister of Palestine will receive the 2013 HCEF Path of Peace Award on Friday, October 18, 2013 at the HCEF Awards Banquet, held in conjunction with the 15th International Conference, Friday and Saturday, October 18-19, 2013, Holy Land Christian Ecumenical Foundation (HCEF) said in a press statement Wednesday.
The HCEF Path of Peace Award has been established to honor an individual who throughout his/her life has vigorously championed the cause of Peace in the Middle East.
HCEF also said that Fayyad's service and work as Prime Minister of Palestine has significantly advanced the Palestinian cause. His effort in strengthening and building the infrastructure of Palestine, especially during the many obstacles and challenges Palestine faced during his term as Prime Minister are outstanding!
Under his noble leadership, new strength was given to the financial and economic structure of Palestine, and by turning it around Fayyad gave a positive global representation of Palestine and of Palestinians, HCEF continued. Through advocating for peace, Fayyad has worked to build safety and security for all Palestinians, similar to HCEF's commitment, as we seek to 'replace despair with hope, fear with human security and humiliation with dignity.'
Sir Rateb Rabie, KCHS, HCEF President and CEO expressed his sentiments with these words, "Truly, Prime Minister Fayyad's contributions have changed the world's perspective of Palestine and boosted the spirit of all Palestinians by building the infrastructure of the future state under occupation!"
Prime Minister Fayyad's support of the HCEF Know Thy Heritage (KTH) Live & Visit Palestine Program has been inspiring. Through the KTH program, youth in Diaspora travelled to Palestine where they met with HE Fayyad and learned to be Ambassadors of Peace, by following in his footsteps. HCEF applauds and honors the tireless efforts of Minister Fayyad, a true visionary, in facilitating peace and building Palestine.
According to HCEF, the Path of Peace Award is conferred on Fayyad in recognition of his work, his dedication, and the remarkable contributions he has made in establishing a dialogue of peace and reconciliation through his visionary leadership and career.
This same evening, Eminence Donald Cardinal Wuerl, Archbishop of Washington will receive the Holy Land Christian Ecumenical Foundation Award; Mr. Said Khoury, Co-Founder and Chairman, Consolidated Contractors Companywill receive the Palestinian Diaspora Award and the HCEF President Awardees are Mrs. Jamilah Aranky, HCEF Representative in Birzeitand Mrs. Mary Ann Flannery, HCEF Volunteer.
The Awards Banquet and the 15th International Conference will be held Friday, October 18 - Saturday, October 19, 2013 at the Washington Marriott, 1221 22nd Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20037.
The HCEF Path of Peace Award has been established to honor an individual who throughout his/her life has vigorously championed the cause of Peace in the Middle East.
HCEF also said that Fayyad's service and work as Prime Minister of Palestine has significantly advanced the Palestinian cause. His effort in strengthening and building the infrastructure of Palestine, especially during the many obstacles and challenges Palestine faced during his term as Prime Minister are outstanding!
Under his noble leadership, new strength was given to the financial and economic structure of Palestine, and by turning it around Fayyad gave a positive global representation of Palestine and of Palestinians, HCEF continued. Through advocating for peace, Fayyad has worked to build safety and security for all Palestinians, similar to HCEF's commitment, as we seek to 'replace despair with hope, fear with human security and humiliation with dignity.'
Sir Rateb Rabie, KCHS, HCEF President and CEO expressed his sentiments with these words, "Truly, Prime Minister Fayyad's contributions have changed the world's perspective of Palestine and boosted the spirit of all Palestinians by building the infrastructure of the future state under occupation!"
Prime Minister Fayyad's support of the HCEF Know Thy Heritage (KTH) Live & Visit Palestine Program has been inspiring. Through the KTH program, youth in Diaspora travelled to Palestine where they met with HE Fayyad and learned to be Ambassadors of Peace, by following in his footsteps. HCEF applauds and honors the tireless efforts of Minister Fayyad, a true visionary, in facilitating peace and building Palestine.
According to HCEF, the Path of Peace Award is conferred on Fayyad in recognition of his work, his dedication, and the remarkable contributions he has made in establishing a dialogue of peace and reconciliation through his visionary leadership and career.
This same evening, Eminence Donald Cardinal Wuerl, Archbishop of Washington will receive the Holy Land Christian Ecumenical Foundation Award; Mr. Said Khoury, Co-Founder and Chairman, Consolidated Contractors Companywill receive the Palestinian Diaspora Award and the HCEF President Awardees are Mrs. Jamilah Aranky, HCEF Representative in Birzeitand Mrs. Mary Ann Flannery, HCEF Volunteer.
The Awards Banquet and the 15th International Conference will be held Friday, October 18 - Saturday, October 19, 2013 at the Washington Marriott, 1221 22nd Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20037.
31 july 2013
Alleged Fatah document
The two documents allegedly written by Fatah, that describe a plot against the Hamas party, were dismissed today as fabrications by members of Fatah’s revolutionary council. On Tuesday, Hamas members attended a conference concerning the documents that they allege were sent by Fatah to the media and security attachés at the Palestinian embassy in Cairo.
The two documents were allegedly sent by Fatah to the media and security attachés at the Palestinian embassy in Cairo. According to Al-Jazeera the documents called for “[the] fabrication of news that would embarrass Hamas,” as well as efforts to link Hamas to the recent violence in Egypt.
Hamas official Salah al-Baredweel said that the documents "urge hatred, not only against Gaza or Hamas, but against the Palestinian people".
The documents however, were dismissed today as being fake by the Fatah Revolutionary Council and it was proved that the letterhead of the documents did not correspond to the official Fatah letterhead.
Fatah member Muwafak Matar commented on the falsifications: "We believe that Hamas is taking a new political course at this moment. Hamas wishes to steer away from the reconciliation among the Palestinians," according to Al-Jazeera.
The relationship between Fatah and Hamas has been chilly since 2006 when the legislative victory for Hamas resulted in a political split between the Hamas ruled Gaza strip and the Fatah ruled West Bank. The current political situation in Egypt has constituted a further challenge to the relationship between Hamas and Fatah since the interim government of Egypt accuses Hamas of having political ties to the recently overthrown Muslim Brotherhood.
The two documents allegedly written by Fatah, that describe a plot against the Hamas party, were dismissed today as fabrications by members of Fatah’s revolutionary council. On Tuesday, Hamas members attended a conference concerning the documents that they allege were sent by Fatah to the media and security attachés at the Palestinian embassy in Cairo.
The two documents were allegedly sent by Fatah to the media and security attachés at the Palestinian embassy in Cairo. According to Al-Jazeera the documents called for “[the] fabrication of news that would embarrass Hamas,” as well as efforts to link Hamas to the recent violence in Egypt.
Hamas official Salah al-Baredweel said that the documents "urge hatred, not only against Gaza or Hamas, but against the Palestinian people".
The documents however, were dismissed today as being fake by the Fatah Revolutionary Council and it was proved that the letterhead of the documents did not correspond to the official Fatah letterhead.
Fatah member Muwafak Matar commented on the falsifications: "We believe that Hamas is taking a new political course at this moment. Hamas wishes to steer away from the reconciliation among the Palestinians," according to Al-Jazeera.
The relationship between Fatah and Hamas has been chilly since 2006 when the legislative victory for Hamas resulted in a political split between the Hamas ruled Gaza strip and the Fatah ruled West Bank. The current political situation in Egypt has constituted a further challenge to the relationship between Hamas and Fatah since the interim government of Egypt accuses Hamas of having political ties to the recently overthrown Muslim Brotherhood.
MP Najat Abu Baker, affiliated with the Fatah movement, stated that ending the division and achieving the national construction is more important than negotiation option. MP Baker told Quds Press that the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations had never been stopped, pointing out that the PA came as a result of negotiations which were scheduled to lead to a state with full sovereignty, but Israel repudiated the agreement.
The MP for Fatah movement stated that the majority of Fatah members is in support of Abbas' decision to resume talks with the occupation especially after the Israeli vow to release a number of prisoners and the international parties' keenness to achieve the talks success for fear of prosecuting the occupation in the international courts.
It was better to resume talks after achieving the national unity, she said, pointing out that ending the division is more important than resuming talks and meetings with the occupation authorities.
The MP for Fatah movement stated that the majority of Fatah members is in support of Abbas' decision to resume talks with the occupation especially after the Israeli vow to release a number of prisoners and the international parties' keenness to achieve the talks success for fear of prosecuting the occupation in the international courts.
It was better to resume talks after achieving the national unity, she said, pointing out that ending the division is more important than resuming talks and meetings with the occupation authorities.
Jonathan Heawood/The Guardian
Anger co-exists with a sense of beauty in a valuable journal of West Bank life.
Raja Shehadeh is an angry man. He is angry about the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, the illegal settlements that dot his beloved Palestinian landscape and the roads that divide the people of this territory. And he is angry about the failure of Israel's allies and donors to prevent the discrimination against Palestinians and Israeli Arabs that he encounters in his life as an activist and a lawyer.
Shehadeh is also a contemplative man, a walker who meditates, tends his garden and writes about his daily life in Ramallah with great simplicity and beauty. His first memoir, Strangers in the House, was published 10 years ago to warm reviews, but it was Palestinian Walks that drew a wider audience to his work and won the Orwell prize for political writing in 2008. It combined an intimate account of six walks through the Palestinian landscape with a devastating analysis of the politics of land ownership.
Shehadeh's anger in that book was modulated through his observations of the natural world. In these diaries, which cover the period 2009-11, the emotions are more immediate and rawer. Shehadeh's anger extends beyond the political domain and into his personal life: he is even angry with the dental assistant who addresses him in Hebrew. "Hearing Hebrew over the telephone aroused insecurity and fear, recalling earlier times when I received calls summoning me for interrogation by the military." Truly, in Ramallah, the personal is political.
Shehadeh notes the destructive potential of his anger, knowing that it is easy to dismiss an angry spokesman. At times, though, it seems that he uses it to sustain himself when beauty is not enough: "I want to continue to feel the anger and to rage, rage against the dying of the light." These raw emotions are also linked to the death of his mother, just before these diaries open. She was exiled from her home city of Jaffa in 1948, and watched her family's wealth disintegrate. In remembering the turbulent 60 years that followed, in which she lost her family, friends and property, he finds himself "still angry at what she had to suffer".
This heartfelt rage and frustration oscillates with Shehadeh's continuing sense of beauty, his enjoyment of his garden and his appreciation of "how lovely life is, how dearly we should cherish and cling to it".
Anger co-exists with a sense of beauty in a valuable journal of West Bank life.
Raja Shehadeh is an angry man. He is angry about the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, the illegal settlements that dot his beloved Palestinian landscape and the roads that divide the people of this territory. And he is angry about the failure of Israel's allies and donors to prevent the discrimination against Palestinians and Israeli Arabs that he encounters in his life as an activist and a lawyer.
Shehadeh is also a contemplative man, a walker who meditates, tends his garden and writes about his daily life in Ramallah with great simplicity and beauty. His first memoir, Strangers in the House, was published 10 years ago to warm reviews, but it was Palestinian Walks that drew a wider audience to his work and won the Orwell prize for political writing in 2008. It combined an intimate account of six walks through the Palestinian landscape with a devastating analysis of the politics of land ownership.
Shehadeh's anger in that book was modulated through his observations of the natural world. In these diaries, which cover the period 2009-11, the emotions are more immediate and rawer. Shehadeh's anger extends beyond the political domain and into his personal life: he is even angry with the dental assistant who addresses him in Hebrew. "Hearing Hebrew over the telephone aroused insecurity and fear, recalling earlier times when I received calls summoning me for interrogation by the military." Truly, in Ramallah, the personal is political.
Shehadeh notes the destructive potential of his anger, knowing that it is easy to dismiss an angry spokesman. At times, though, it seems that he uses it to sustain himself when beauty is not enough: "I want to continue to feel the anger and to rage, rage against the dying of the light." These raw emotions are also linked to the death of his mother, just before these diaries open. She was exiled from her home city of Jaffa in 1948, and watched her family's wealth disintegrate. In remembering the turbulent 60 years that followed, in which she lost her family, friends and property, he finds himself "still angry at what she had to suffer".
This heartfelt rage and frustration oscillates with Shehadeh's continuing sense of beauty, his enjoyment of his garden and his appreciation of "how lovely life is, how dearly we should cherish and cling to it".
Raja Shehadeh: ‘a contemplative man who writes with great simplicity and beauty’.
He watches the Palestinian Authority pursuing a vigorous campaign for full membership of the United Nations. The emblem for this campaign – a gigantic replica of a UN chair – is installed at the centre of Ramallah as a symbol of Palestine's desire for a seat at the table. Shehadeh drives past this with somewhat raised eyebrows. He is almost as sceptical about the Palestinian leaders as he is about their Israeli counterparts.
But his spirits are lifted by the Arab Spring and its implications for Israel and Palestine. His diary entries in early 2011 are filled with a sudden rush of exhilaration as the possibility of profound and peaceful change flashes before him. Now the anger is pulled away, like a curtain, to reveal the desperately thwarted hope that lies behind it. Shehadeh dares to imagine a future in which Israel, Palestine and the other eastern Mediterranean states co-exist within a federal structure akin to the European Union. He traces this dream through the shared history of the region, in particular the Ottoman era, during which grand engineering projects linked these territories together by rail. "Not that we should call for a return of anything resembling Ottoman rule – the Ottomans were brutal and inefficient – but, rather, a return to the way things were organised then, with communities and cultures united."
This ambitious vision seems increasingly remote as Syria descends into civil war and the deadlock between Israel and the Palestinian Authority shows no sign of relaxing. Yet Shehadeh's rare blend of rage and contemplation gives him the resilience to keep working towards this seemingly impossible dream. He reminds us that France and Germany, mutual enemies for a thousand years, now share a cultural institute in the West Bank.
Shehadeh is a committed diarist who has been keeping a journal most of his life and surely his eyes and ears will remain open to these continuing upheavals, just as he continues to watch the dappled light coming through the gazebo covered with vines in his garden. We can only hope that he and his publishers continue to bring us his precious commentary on life inside one of the world's greatest political fault lines.
This article was orignially published on The Guardian. Click here to view the original article.
He watches the Palestinian Authority pursuing a vigorous campaign for full membership of the United Nations. The emblem for this campaign – a gigantic replica of a UN chair – is installed at the centre of Ramallah as a symbol of Palestine's desire for a seat at the table. Shehadeh drives past this with somewhat raised eyebrows. He is almost as sceptical about the Palestinian leaders as he is about their Israeli counterparts.
But his spirits are lifted by the Arab Spring and its implications for Israel and Palestine. His diary entries in early 2011 are filled with a sudden rush of exhilaration as the possibility of profound and peaceful change flashes before him. Now the anger is pulled away, like a curtain, to reveal the desperately thwarted hope that lies behind it. Shehadeh dares to imagine a future in which Israel, Palestine and the other eastern Mediterranean states co-exist within a federal structure akin to the European Union. He traces this dream through the shared history of the region, in particular the Ottoman era, during which grand engineering projects linked these territories together by rail. "Not that we should call for a return of anything resembling Ottoman rule – the Ottomans were brutal and inefficient – but, rather, a return to the way things were organised then, with communities and cultures united."
This ambitious vision seems increasingly remote as Syria descends into civil war and the deadlock between Israel and the Palestinian Authority shows no sign of relaxing. Yet Shehadeh's rare blend of rage and contemplation gives him the resilience to keep working towards this seemingly impossible dream. He reminds us that France and Germany, mutual enemies for a thousand years, now share a cultural institute in the West Bank.
Shehadeh is a committed diarist who has been keeping a journal most of his life and surely his eyes and ears will remain open to these continuing upheavals, just as he continues to watch the dappled light coming through the gazebo covered with vines in his garden. We can only hope that he and his publishers continue to bring us his precious commentary on life inside one of the world's greatest political fault lines.
This article was orignially published on The Guardian. Click here to view the original article.
One of many documents exposing a PA-led conspiracy against Gaza and Hamas
The released documents which revealed the engagement of a Fatah-affiliated security cell in the incitement campaign in Egypt against Hamas and Gaza were extracted from a notebook computer owned by a Palestinian authority intelligence officer who were arrested lately, according to a senior security source in Gaza. The security source told the Palestinian information center (PIC) that the Palestinian security forces in Gaza detained a few days ago a PA intelligence officer named Mohamed Abu Diya after his return to Gaza through the Rafah border crossing and confiscated his laptop.
He affirmed that the technical unit of the interior ministry was able to retrieve the documents from the laptop, adding that the documents consist of a large number of correspondence letters exposing the role of the cell that kept inciting against Hamas and Gaza during the last period.
He also asserted that Abu Diya had been in Dubai and met with Fatah-affiliated fugitives living there before he traveled back to Gaza in order to receive large financial transfers and then use them to destabilize the situation in Gaza.
He noted that this PA officer is now being held in jail and a legal action will be taken against him soon.
The released documents which revealed the engagement of a Fatah-affiliated security cell in the incitement campaign in Egypt against Hamas and Gaza were extracted from a notebook computer owned by a Palestinian authority intelligence officer who were arrested lately, according to a senior security source in Gaza. The security source told the Palestinian information center (PIC) that the Palestinian security forces in Gaza detained a few days ago a PA intelligence officer named Mohamed Abu Diya after his return to Gaza through the Rafah border crossing and confiscated his laptop.
He affirmed that the technical unit of the interior ministry was able to retrieve the documents from the laptop, adding that the documents consist of a large number of correspondence letters exposing the role of the cell that kept inciting against Hamas and Gaza during the last period.
He also asserted that Abu Diya had been in Dubai and met with Fatah-affiliated fugitives living there before he traveled back to Gaza in order to receive large financial transfers and then use them to destabilize the situation in Gaza.
He noted that this PA officer is now being held in jail and a legal action will be taken against him soon.
Cabinet condemned, during its meeting in Ramallah Tuesday, chaired by Dr. Rami Hamdallah, the Prime Minister of the caretaker government, neglected Israel's decision to deny EU's officials from entering West Bank's areas, as well as the disruption of projects that the European Union wants to establish in favor of the Palestinians in areas classified as "C" and the Gaza Strip, the Cabinet considered the resolution as an additional obstacle in the face of the developmental projects and the Palestinian economy in areas classified as "C" and in the areas.
In this context, Cabinet asked the international community to put an end to the Israeli obstacles that directly affect various aspects of life in Palestine, and to oblige Israel to the international law and to stop the depletion of Palestinian resources and disruption of the sustainable development.
Cabinet stressed that the government is working on developing the Palestinian economy by advancing and strengthening the role of youth in the community, and reducing unemployment in collaboration with the private sector and civil society institutions by creating more opportunities in many areas, most importantly in education in order to facilitate the lives of the Palestinian citizens in the suffocating financial crisis. In addition to providing a unique investment environment based on the provision of many privileges to investors and to work on the implementation of three industrial zones in Jericho, Bethlehem and Jenin.
Furthermore, Cabinet condemned occupation forces and settlers' violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the latest of which was the delivery of many demolition notifications by occupation forces to citizens in Hebron, the random shooting at people and the injury of one in Gaza, the frequent storming of settlers into Al-Aqsa mosque and the destruction of Palestinian vehicles in Al-Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in Jerusalem.
In a related context, Cabinet renewed its demand of the international community and human rights organizations to immediately intervene and save the lives of prisoners on hunger strike especially Jordanian prisoners, and called for the international community to compel Israel to release them, as well as veteran prisoners, children and women especially the ill. Cabinet considered that the release of prisoners from Israeli prisons enhances the chances of a just peace in the region.
In this context, Cabinet asked the international community to put an end to the Israeli obstacles that directly affect various aspects of life in Palestine, and to oblige Israel to the international law and to stop the depletion of Palestinian resources and disruption of the sustainable development.
Cabinet stressed that the government is working on developing the Palestinian economy by advancing and strengthening the role of youth in the community, and reducing unemployment in collaboration with the private sector and civil society institutions by creating more opportunities in many areas, most importantly in education in order to facilitate the lives of the Palestinian citizens in the suffocating financial crisis. In addition to providing a unique investment environment based on the provision of many privileges to investors and to work on the implementation of three industrial zones in Jericho, Bethlehem and Jenin.
Furthermore, Cabinet condemned occupation forces and settlers' violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the latest of which was the delivery of many demolition notifications by occupation forces to citizens in Hebron, the random shooting at people and the injury of one in Gaza, the frequent storming of settlers into Al-Aqsa mosque and the destruction of Palestinian vehicles in Al-Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in Jerusalem.
In a related context, Cabinet renewed its demand of the international community and human rights organizations to immediately intervene and save the lives of prisoners on hunger strike especially Jordanian prisoners, and called for the international community to compel Israel to release them, as well as veteran prisoners, children and women especially the ill. Cabinet considered that the release of prisoners from Israeli prisons enhances the chances of a just peace in the region.
30 july 2013
Tamil protesters outside the Sri Lankan consulate in Toronto, May 2009
Towards the end of 2008, I joined thousands in Toronto to protest Israel’s attack on Gaza. Like people all over the world, we called for an immediate end to the war. At York University, where I was a student, we mobilized the campus to defend Palestinian rights.
A few months later, bombs were falling on my own people — in the Vanni region of northern Sri Lanka. And once again, we hit Toronto’s streets in protest.
I realized then that even though our homelands are oceans apart, Palestinians and Tamils have much in common.
Through the “war on terror,” the Israeli and Sri Lankan armies have waged war on civilian populations.
The Rome-based Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal has commissioned an independent report [PDF] that finds the Sri Lankan state guilty of bombing hospitals, humanitarian operations and even government-declared “safe zones,” in clear violation of international humanitarian law (“Preliminary report,” January 2010 [PDF]).
A United Nations report estimates that from January to May 2009, between 40,000 and 75,000 persons were killed (“Report of the secretary-general’s panel of experts on accountability in Sri Lanka,” 31 March 2011).[PDF]
The Sri Lankan government’s own statistical data reveal that almost 147,000 persons remain unaccounted for: no one knows if they are held in prison, injured, or dead (“146,679 Vanni people missing within a year of war: Bishop of Mannaar,” TamilNet, 12 January 2011).
Major arms supplier
But there are more direct connections.
Israel has been a major arms supplier to Sri Lanka’s government, as well as providing it with strategic military advice. With permission from the United States, Israel has sold Sri Lanka consignments of Kfir jets and drones.[PDF]
Israel has also supplied the Dvora patrol boats to Sri Lanka, which have been used extensively against Tamils (“Sri Lanka learns to counter Sea Tigers’ swarm tactics,” Jane’s Navy International, March 2009 [PDF]).
And Israel has also provided training to the Special Task Force, a brutal commando unit in the Sri Lanka police.
The similarities don’t end there. Both Palestinians and Tamils have been subjected to a process of settler-based colonialism.
In the 1980s, Israel offered advice to Sri Lanka as it built Sinhala-only armed settlements in the eastern province, which aimed to create buffer zones around Tamil-majority populations (the Sinhalese are the ethnic majority of Sri Lanka) (“Sinhala academic blames US-UK axis for genocide in Tamil homeland,” TamilNet, 15 April 2012).
The strategy employed was the same as Israel’s in the West Bank: to destroy the local population’s claim to national existence and render invalid any political solution based on popular sovereignty.
Just like in Palestine, land seizures and settlement programs in Sri Lanka are fragmenting the Tamil people’s national and social coherence throughout their historic homeland in the north and east of the island. As exiled journalist and human rights worker Nirmanusan Balasundaram wrote earlier this year, the effect is to undermine any possibility of creating a contiguous national homeland (“Sri Lanka: The intentions behind the land-grabbing process,” Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka, 30 April 2013).
Sham dialogue
Within the occupied West Bank, this process takes place against the backdrop of “dialogue,” which more and more Palestinians see as a sham as Israeli settlements spread across their land. After the 2009 war, the Sri Lankan government used the rhetoric of “reconstruction” and “redevelopment” to obscure its process of rapid colonization.
For Tamils, “post-war development” has become another form of counter-insurgency warfare, whereby Sinhala settlements, state-led militarization and the open gerrymandering of constituencies all threaten the Tamils’ historic relationship to their homeland.
The Palestinian experience — in particular, the Oslo accords signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1993 — has been instructive for Tamils.
An international agreement with India foresees Sri Lanka holding elections this September for a Northern Provincial Council, supposedly another gesture of reconciliation. The US is backing the election, despite serious reservations within Tamil civil society and the diaspora.
The council, if elected, would provide Tamils with only the perception of self-determination — similar to the experience of the Palestinian Authority — while the military occupation continues to dominate every aspect of civilian life. The council’s powers would remain under the control of the Sinhalese-dominated government in Colombo, Sri Lanka’s capital, and its governor would be a direct appointment of the Sri Lankan president (see “Much ado about nothing,” Colombo Telegraph, 21 April 2013).
Regardless of the façade of self-government, the crime of apartheid remains a fact of life for Tamils in Sri Lanka, as it does for Palestinians under Israeli rule.
Sri Lanka’s treatment of the Tamils in the north and east of the island meets the definition of apartheid contained in the 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid.
Apartheid involves the domination of one racial or ethnic group over another. The convention is not restricted to the particular manifestation of apartheid in South Africa or to majorities being oppressed by minorities. Instead, it condemns practices that resemble apartheid — of which there is more than one version.
Without a doubt, there are critical differences between the oppression faced by Palestinians and the oppression faced by Tamils (and by black South Africans, for that matter). Nevertheless, both Israel and Sri Lanka are characterized by discrimination, repression and territorial fragmentation through stolen land.
The unitary Sri Lankan state structure constitutionally places all power of the state exclusively in the hands of the Sinhalese people, while denying Tamils equal access to education, their own language, their land, and self-determination.
Common experience
In light of this common experience, the Palestinian and Tamil peoples are enduring a slow — but relentless — genocide. The massacres in Gaza and the Vanni were carried out to kill civilians, cause serious bodily and mental harm, and impose conditions of life that produce partial and gradual physical destruction — all with little meaningful opposition from global capitals. Both can be considered cases of genocide, as it is defined by the United Nations.
In the case of Sri Lanka, as long as it uses the language of “reconciliation,” it will continue to pursue the same strategy and enjoy praise from major powers.
But the realization of our peoples’ aspirations does not depend on the whims of foreign governments. It rests with the Tamil people — as the aspirations for a liberated Palestine rest with the Palestinians — and the support of a mobilized and engaged international solidarity movement. By supporting each other’s struggles, and by learning from each other’s histories, we can get one step closer to a more just world.
For both Palestinians and Tamils, the attacks of 2008 and 2009 were part of a broader history of dispossession, occupation and genocide. Our people have a lot in common in the struggle for peace and justice. In fact, our oppressors appear to have lots in common too.
Krisna Saravanamuttu is an activist based in Toronto, Canada. He is a member of the steering committee of the Canadian Peace Alliance, and is the spokesperson of the National Council of Canadian Tamils. Follow him on Twitter: @KrisnaS85.
Towards the end of 2008, I joined thousands in Toronto to protest Israel’s attack on Gaza. Like people all over the world, we called for an immediate end to the war. At York University, where I was a student, we mobilized the campus to defend Palestinian rights.
A few months later, bombs were falling on my own people — in the Vanni region of northern Sri Lanka. And once again, we hit Toronto’s streets in protest.
I realized then that even though our homelands are oceans apart, Palestinians and Tamils have much in common.
Through the “war on terror,” the Israeli and Sri Lankan armies have waged war on civilian populations.
The Rome-based Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal has commissioned an independent report [PDF] that finds the Sri Lankan state guilty of bombing hospitals, humanitarian operations and even government-declared “safe zones,” in clear violation of international humanitarian law (“Preliminary report,” January 2010 [PDF]).
A United Nations report estimates that from January to May 2009, between 40,000 and 75,000 persons were killed (“Report of the secretary-general’s panel of experts on accountability in Sri Lanka,” 31 March 2011).[PDF]
The Sri Lankan government’s own statistical data reveal that almost 147,000 persons remain unaccounted for: no one knows if they are held in prison, injured, or dead (“146,679 Vanni people missing within a year of war: Bishop of Mannaar,” TamilNet, 12 January 2011).
Major arms supplier
But there are more direct connections.
Israel has been a major arms supplier to Sri Lanka’s government, as well as providing it with strategic military advice. With permission from the United States, Israel has sold Sri Lanka consignments of Kfir jets and drones.[PDF]
Israel has also supplied the Dvora patrol boats to Sri Lanka, which have been used extensively against Tamils (“Sri Lanka learns to counter Sea Tigers’ swarm tactics,” Jane’s Navy International, March 2009 [PDF]).
And Israel has also provided training to the Special Task Force, a brutal commando unit in the Sri Lanka police.
The similarities don’t end there. Both Palestinians and Tamils have been subjected to a process of settler-based colonialism.
In the 1980s, Israel offered advice to Sri Lanka as it built Sinhala-only armed settlements in the eastern province, which aimed to create buffer zones around Tamil-majority populations (the Sinhalese are the ethnic majority of Sri Lanka) (“Sinhala academic blames US-UK axis for genocide in Tamil homeland,” TamilNet, 15 April 2012).
The strategy employed was the same as Israel’s in the West Bank: to destroy the local population’s claim to national existence and render invalid any political solution based on popular sovereignty.
Just like in Palestine, land seizures and settlement programs in Sri Lanka are fragmenting the Tamil people’s national and social coherence throughout their historic homeland in the north and east of the island. As exiled journalist and human rights worker Nirmanusan Balasundaram wrote earlier this year, the effect is to undermine any possibility of creating a contiguous national homeland (“Sri Lanka: The intentions behind the land-grabbing process,” Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka, 30 April 2013).
Sham dialogue
Within the occupied West Bank, this process takes place against the backdrop of “dialogue,” which more and more Palestinians see as a sham as Israeli settlements spread across their land. After the 2009 war, the Sri Lankan government used the rhetoric of “reconstruction” and “redevelopment” to obscure its process of rapid colonization.
For Tamils, “post-war development” has become another form of counter-insurgency warfare, whereby Sinhala settlements, state-led militarization and the open gerrymandering of constituencies all threaten the Tamils’ historic relationship to their homeland.
The Palestinian experience — in particular, the Oslo accords signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1993 — has been instructive for Tamils.
An international agreement with India foresees Sri Lanka holding elections this September for a Northern Provincial Council, supposedly another gesture of reconciliation. The US is backing the election, despite serious reservations within Tamil civil society and the diaspora.
The council, if elected, would provide Tamils with only the perception of self-determination — similar to the experience of the Palestinian Authority — while the military occupation continues to dominate every aspect of civilian life. The council’s powers would remain under the control of the Sinhalese-dominated government in Colombo, Sri Lanka’s capital, and its governor would be a direct appointment of the Sri Lankan president (see “Much ado about nothing,” Colombo Telegraph, 21 April 2013).
Regardless of the façade of self-government, the crime of apartheid remains a fact of life for Tamils in Sri Lanka, as it does for Palestinians under Israeli rule.
Sri Lanka’s treatment of the Tamils in the north and east of the island meets the definition of apartheid contained in the 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid.
Apartheid involves the domination of one racial or ethnic group over another. The convention is not restricted to the particular manifestation of apartheid in South Africa or to majorities being oppressed by minorities. Instead, it condemns practices that resemble apartheid — of which there is more than one version.
Without a doubt, there are critical differences between the oppression faced by Palestinians and the oppression faced by Tamils (and by black South Africans, for that matter). Nevertheless, both Israel and Sri Lanka are characterized by discrimination, repression and territorial fragmentation through stolen land.
The unitary Sri Lankan state structure constitutionally places all power of the state exclusively in the hands of the Sinhalese people, while denying Tamils equal access to education, their own language, their land, and self-determination.
Common experience
In light of this common experience, the Palestinian and Tamil peoples are enduring a slow — but relentless — genocide. The massacres in Gaza and the Vanni were carried out to kill civilians, cause serious bodily and mental harm, and impose conditions of life that produce partial and gradual physical destruction — all with little meaningful opposition from global capitals. Both can be considered cases of genocide, as it is defined by the United Nations.
In the case of Sri Lanka, as long as it uses the language of “reconciliation,” it will continue to pursue the same strategy and enjoy praise from major powers.
But the realization of our peoples’ aspirations does not depend on the whims of foreign governments. It rests with the Tamil people — as the aspirations for a liberated Palestine rest with the Palestinians — and the support of a mobilized and engaged international solidarity movement. By supporting each other’s struggles, and by learning from each other’s histories, we can get one step closer to a more just world.
For both Palestinians and Tamils, the attacks of 2008 and 2009 were part of a broader history of dispossession, occupation and genocide. Our people have a lot in common in the struggle for peace and justice. In fact, our oppressors appear to have lots in common too.
Krisna Saravanamuttu is an activist based in Toronto, Canada. He is a member of the steering committee of the Canadian Peace Alliance, and is the spokesperson of the National Council of Canadian Tamils. Follow him on Twitter: @KrisnaS85.
Osama Hamdan, a leader in Hamas movement, stated that PA president Mahmoud Abbas leads a serious scheme to drive a wedge between Gaza and Egypt, as part of a systematic policy to take revenge on Hamas movement. Hamdan confirmed that Hamas movement has managed to get official documents to prove PA involvement in a conspiracy in coordination with US and Israel to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
Abbas is involved in paving the way for an Israeli aggression against the Gaza strip, the leader in Hamas movement said.
Meanwhile, MP Ismail al-Ashqar, who is in charge of the security and interior committee of the PLC, called on Egyptian authorities to exercise caution regarding the fabricated information provided by the PA and Abbas.
He pointed out to the false accusations which are fabricated in Ramallah to implicate Hamas movement in Egyptian interior affairs.
These fabricated accusations have catastrophic political and security agenda that targets the Palestinian people and resistance through launching an incitement media campaign to demonize the Palestinian resistance, he added.
For his part, Ihab Ghussain, the government spokesman, condemned Fatah movement ongoing policy to distort the Palestinian resistance.
These attempts to involve our people in the Egyptian internal security events will not affect the historical relationship between the Egyptian and Palestinian peoples, said Ghussain.
He stressed that these fabricated stories only serve the occupation and cover the Israeli crimes against Palestinian people.
He added that the Palestinian people will prosecute those responsible for these crimes that target the Palestinian people and their interests.
Abbas is involved in paving the way for an Israeli aggression against the Gaza strip, the leader in Hamas movement said.
Meanwhile, MP Ismail al-Ashqar, who is in charge of the security and interior committee of the PLC, called on Egyptian authorities to exercise caution regarding the fabricated information provided by the PA and Abbas.
He pointed out to the false accusations which are fabricated in Ramallah to implicate Hamas movement in Egyptian interior affairs.
These fabricated accusations have catastrophic political and security agenda that targets the Palestinian people and resistance through launching an incitement media campaign to demonize the Palestinian resistance, he added.
For his part, Ihab Ghussain, the government spokesman, condemned Fatah movement ongoing policy to distort the Palestinian resistance.
These attempts to involve our people in the Egyptian internal security events will not affect the historical relationship between the Egyptian and Palestinian peoples, said Ghussain.
He stressed that these fabricated stories only serve the occupation and cover the Israeli crimes against Palestinian people.
He added that the Palestinian people will prosecute those responsible for these crimes that target the Palestinian people and their interests.
Fawzi Barhoum, a Hamas spokesman, denounced PA chief Mahmoud Abbas for championing the destruction of Gaza tunnels and for rejecting a joint trade zone between Gaza and Egypt. Barhoum, in a statement on his Facebook page on Tuesday, said that Israel was not demanding a return to supervising the Rafah border terminal and did not ask for reviving the 2005 agreement that used to regulate the terminal’s work.
However, the spokesman noted that Abbas was asking for a return to that agreement that returns Israeli intelligence and European observers to monitor traffic on that crossing between Egypt and Gaza.
Barhoum said that the agreement caused suffering among the almost two million Palestinians inhabiting the besieged enclave.
Abbas told reporters during a single day visit to Cairo that goods should continue to pour into Gaza via what he called “legitimate crossings”. He also called for closure of the tunnels on condition that Gaza populace would not be affected by their closure.
However, the spokesman noted that Abbas was asking for a return to that agreement that returns Israeli intelligence and European observers to monitor traffic on that crossing between Egypt and Gaza.
Barhoum said that the agreement caused suffering among the almost two million Palestinians inhabiting the besieged enclave.
Abbas told reporters during a single day visit to Cairo that goods should continue to pour into Gaza via what he called “legitimate crossings”. He also called for closure of the tunnels on condition that Gaza populace would not be affected by their closure.
Israeli military expert Amos Harel said the security cooperation between Israel and the Palestinian authority precludes the outbreak of a new intifada (uprising) or any resistance activities in the West Bank. In a TV interview on Monday, Harel stated that the last two years have been the quietest in terms of security in the West since the six-day war in 1967 thanks to the security cooperation between Israel and the PA which prevented the outbreak of popular intifada during the last mid-decade.
He also expressed his belief that there are constant orders for the resistance in the West Bank to launch attacks against Israel at every opportunity, but the strong pressure made by the Israeli army and the PA security forces has paralyzed most of the activities of the armed wing of Hamas.
Since several years, Hamas has had no leader for its armed wing in the West Bank because its activists are arrested immediately by the Israeli and PA security forces whenever they try to do something, he added.
He underlined that Israel agreed on resuming its talks with the PA in order to achieve a number of goals in its favor, most importantly, the level of security coordination with the Palestinians, noting that there are five PA security units working diligently to maintain security in the West Bank.
He also expressed his belief that there are constant orders for the resistance in the West Bank to launch attacks against Israel at every opportunity, but the strong pressure made by the Israeli army and the PA security forces has paralyzed most of the activities of the armed wing of Hamas.
Since several years, Hamas has had no leader for its armed wing in the West Bank because its activists are arrested immediately by the Israeli and PA security forces whenever they try to do something, he added.
He underlined that Israel agreed on resuming its talks with the PA in order to achieve a number of goals in its favor, most importantly, the level of security coordination with the Palestinians, noting that there are five PA security units working diligently to maintain security in the West Bank.
29 july 2013
Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) strongly condemned the PA forces' attack on MP Khalida Jarrar after her participation on Sunday in a protest against resumption of talks in Ramallah. Dr. Ahmed Bahar, PLC First Deputy Chairman, said in a press statement on Monday that PA forces' attack constitutes a serious violation of the parliamentary immunity enjoyed by PLC members.
This attack clearly reflects the PA forces and police's disrespect for the constitutional laws, he pointed out.
He confirmed that the PA forces' attack on MP Jarar proves the PA's disregard of public and private freedoms in West Bank including freedom of expression.
Dr. Bahr called on Palestinian factional and human rights organizations and civil society institutions to condemn and expose PA brutal and arbitrary policy against Palestinian MPs and people.
This attack clearly reflects the PA forces and police's disrespect for the constitutional laws, he pointed out.
He confirmed that the PA forces' attack on MP Jarar proves the PA's disregard of public and private freedoms in West Bank including freedom of expression.
Dr. Bahr called on Palestinian factional and human rights organizations and civil society institutions to condemn and expose PA brutal and arbitrary policy against Palestinian MPs and people.
The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) strongly condemned PA police and security forces’ suppression to protesters in Ramallah against resumption of talks. PA suppression of peaceful demonstration contrasts with the Palestinian national institutions, including the PLO Central Council and reflects a culture of recklessness, irresponsibility, lack of accountability, and disregard for the law and the national norms of our people, PFLP said in a statement issued on Sunday.
The PFLP demanded to prosecute those responsible for this violence against the peaceful protesters including women. "Sunday protest is the outbreak of a comprehensive popular movement against Oslo accords, the national division, and normalization," the statement added.
In a related context, Fatah spokesman Jamal Nazzal waged an incitement campaign against PFLP protest and praised the PA forces' suppression of the demonstrators, threatening to use force to suppress any new demonstration that tries to protest outside the PA headquarters.
Meanwhile, PA forces launched an arrest campaign against PFLP members and cadres who were injured during Sunday protest.
Khalida Jarrar, member of the PFLP Political Bureau, confirmed that PA forces arrested three members of the PFLP while receiving treatment in Palestine Medical Complex after being injured during PA police's suppression of the protest.
MP Jarrar, who was also injured during the march, denounced the PA arrest of protesters suffering fractures and bruises during "PA forces' unjustified attack on the peaceful march."
A state of anger and popular discontent has prevailed among the Palestinian people following the PA brutal attack against the peaceful demonstrators including women and MPs.
The participants confirmed that PA security forces dressed as civilians have brutally attacked and badly insulted the female protesters, pointing out that many of the injured demonstrators were arrested while in hospitals.
Demonstrators chanted against security coordination and normalization and called for accountability for those who have been engaging in meetings with the Israelis and resumption of talks that violates Palestinian red lines.
The PFLP has launched previously a mass public campaign to bring down the Oslo agreement, to restore legitimacy to the Palestinian people as the source of resolution and all legitimacy.
The PFLP demanded to prosecute those responsible for this violence against the peaceful protesters including women. "Sunday protest is the outbreak of a comprehensive popular movement against Oslo accords, the national division, and normalization," the statement added.
In a related context, Fatah spokesman Jamal Nazzal waged an incitement campaign against PFLP protest and praised the PA forces' suppression of the demonstrators, threatening to use force to suppress any new demonstration that tries to protest outside the PA headquarters.
Meanwhile, PA forces launched an arrest campaign against PFLP members and cadres who were injured during Sunday protest.
Khalida Jarrar, member of the PFLP Political Bureau, confirmed that PA forces arrested three members of the PFLP while receiving treatment in Palestine Medical Complex after being injured during PA police's suppression of the protest.
MP Jarrar, who was also injured during the march, denounced the PA arrest of protesters suffering fractures and bruises during "PA forces' unjustified attack on the peaceful march."
A state of anger and popular discontent has prevailed among the Palestinian people following the PA brutal attack against the peaceful demonstrators including women and MPs.
The participants confirmed that PA security forces dressed as civilians have brutally attacked and badly insulted the female protesters, pointing out that many of the injured demonstrators were arrested while in hospitals.
Demonstrators chanted against security coordination and normalization and called for accountability for those who have been engaging in meetings with the Israelis and resumption of talks that violates Palestinian red lines.
The PFLP has launched previously a mass public campaign to bring down the Oslo agreement, to restore legitimacy to the Palestinian people as the source of resolution and all legitimacy.
The Hamas Movement said it obtained documents revealing a plot intended by the Fatah-controlled Palestinian authority (PA) to incite Cairo against the Movement as part of the smear campaign against it. These documents confirm that the PA uses the Egyptian media to fabricate lies and demonize Hamas.
The documents unveil that recent preparations have been made by senior PA officials to incite the Egyptian side against Hamas during the coming visit of de facto president Mahmoud Abbas to Cairo and to urge it to accuse Hamas officially of killing Egyptian soldiers in Sinai.
Among the documents are two signed letters of correspondence, dated July 24, one between Jihad Harrazin, head of the Fatah propaganda and media office in Cairo, and Attayeb Abdul-Rahim, secretary-general of the PA presidency in Ramallah, and the other between the latter and Majed Faraj, director of the PA intelligence agency.
For his part, senior Hamas official Salah Al-Bardawil confirmed that Hamas had access to hundreds of documents exposing the engagement of the PA and Abbas in inciting Cairo against the Movement.
"We have obtained many documents probably hundreds, about the fabricated news spread by the Egyptian media which implicate Hamas in the current events in Egypt, and we know the sources of these stories and how they were made up and sent to the Egyptian press," Bardawil told Al-Risala Net.
"The biggest surprise was that this smear campaign against Hamas is spearheaded by Mahmoud Abbas himself with the assistance of Attayeb Abdul-Rahim, secretary-general of the presidency, and Majed Faraj, head of the general intelligence apparatus in the West Bank, and they have a hotbed in Cairo run by Jihad Harrazin, including Bashir Abu Hata, Ahmed Mansour Dagmash and PA ambassador Barakat Al-Farra in collaboration with journalists from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank," the Hamas official explained.
He stated that the intended visit of Abbas to Cairo is aimed at inciting the Egyptian government into accusing Hamas officially of killing 16 Egyptian soldiers in Sinai.
The documents unveil that recent preparations have been made by senior PA officials to incite the Egyptian side against Hamas during the coming visit of de facto president Mahmoud Abbas to Cairo and to urge it to accuse Hamas officially of killing Egyptian soldiers in Sinai.
Among the documents are two signed letters of correspondence, dated July 24, one between Jihad Harrazin, head of the Fatah propaganda and media office in Cairo, and Attayeb Abdul-Rahim, secretary-general of the PA presidency in Ramallah, and the other between the latter and Majed Faraj, director of the PA intelligence agency.
For his part, senior Hamas official Salah Al-Bardawil confirmed that Hamas had access to hundreds of documents exposing the engagement of the PA and Abbas in inciting Cairo against the Movement.
"We have obtained many documents probably hundreds, about the fabricated news spread by the Egyptian media which implicate Hamas in the current events in Egypt, and we know the sources of these stories and how they were made up and sent to the Egyptian press," Bardawil told Al-Risala Net.
"The biggest surprise was that this smear campaign against Hamas is spearheaded by Mahmoud Abbas himself with the assistance of Attayeb Abdul-Rahim, secretary-general of the presidency, and Majed Faraj, head of the general intelligence apparatus in the West Bank, and they have a hotbed in Cairo run by Jihad Harrazin, including Bashir Abu Hata, Ahmed Mansour Dagmash and PA ambassador Barakat Al-Farra in collaboration with journalists from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank," the Hamas official explained.
He stated that the intended visit of Abbas to Cairo is aimed at inciting the Egyptian government into accusing Hamas officially of killing 16 Egyptian soldiers in Sinai.